The recent conclusion of Umno's poll nominations signaled the new dawn of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's administration.

Prior to the decisive and overwhelming, albeit expected, support he received from almost all Umno divisions nationwide, most of the pundits argued that it was justified for Badawi to tiptoe around several hot spots such as corruption, political rent-seeking, the police force and educational reforms et cetera and not to rush into implementing any reverse policies which could create a backlash on his grip of leadership.

There are several considerations given to support this thesis. First, some of the reverse policies, if implemented, could be seen as a direct challenge to certain political factions within and without Umno that thrived by manipulating the inherent weaknesses in the political system.

Hence, any hasty move by Abdullah, prior to his consolidation of power, could trigger even worse factionalism.

Second, the influence and impact of the Mahathir administration is still being felt at all levels of policy prescriptions. Mahathir's involvement in some of the mega-projects and government- linked companies is profound.

Most significantly is Abdullah's pledge to continue with his predecessor's policies. This means that Mahathir's vision such as 'Wawasan 2020' and the slogan 'Malaysia Boleh!' will continue to resonate in Malaysia's strategic thinking for a foreseeable future. The post-Mahathir influence has limited Abdullah's policy maneuverability.

Third, the new administration would also need sufficient time to install its own trusted lieutenants and generals into different ranks and files of the government and government-linked entities to solidify its position and to stamp its political influence.

The endorsement, almost in toto, received by Abdullah from his party's delegates should have resolved the lingering dilemma over his 'inherited' leadership from Mahathir. In theory, this should have given Abdullah a free hand to carry out the reforms he promised during the last general election.

However, Malaysians who are expecting a sweeping change should not hold their breath.

At the outset, his administration has announced a myriad of ambitious promises and policy statements. These promises included reversing the brain drain, enhancing ethnic relations, cutting civil service red-tape, improving economic resilience, revamping government-linked companies, clamping down on corruption and promoting his brand of Islam Hadhari.

Nevertheless, what we have yet to see is a roadmap or a strategic direction on how his administration is going to achieve one by one, all the promises.

Conversely, while Abdullah has made an impressive start at an Oxbridge luncheon where he declared an all-out effort to change our third world mentality, I find that third world style thinking is still very much alive in his administration.

One example is the die-hard habit of ad-hoc policy announcements and prescriptions. This is evident from the recent announcement of the following:

the government's intention to entice Malaysian talents to come home;

the short-term solution to the yearly university intake and admission dilemma;

the shortsighted suggestion of introducing ethnic relations as an academic subject, as the antidote to the worsening polarisation in the country and others.

While these are noble targets for improvement, what is lacking is a coherent, consistent and long-term strategic vision to achieve the desired results.

Another dilemma plaguing Abdullah's administration is the presence of conservatives who hold important positions in the government. These conservatives, who are behind some of the most controversial policies, are a bane to Abdullah's reform-minded administration.

Some of their actions, which are projected through their official positions - such as to dictate the parameters allowed for public discourse and to control and manipulate the media - are bound to stifle important public activities and discourses which could help to ease racial, religious and political tensions in the country.

The influence and impact of these conservatives will be with the new administration for the foreseeable future.

An immediate challenge for the 'empowered and legitimated' Abdullah is to find a creative solution to address the issues and problems created by race-based affirmative action which is now outdated, outmoded and has been outwitted by some people for the benefit of a privileged few.

Being overseas at the present moment, I am aware of the government's plea to all Malaysians to act as good ambassadors of the country and to help promote and uplift its profile. Moreover, I am sad to hear foreigners muttering some negative remarks about the current reality of our race relations.

Their remarks are brought about by the impact and implications of our current policy. Abdullah wants us to speak the truth, which is good. But the government must help us to help the nation's prestige by speaking the truth of which we all can be proud of.

It is also inconceivable for any nation, in the age of globalisation characterised by fierce competition, to insist that its people compete with one hand tied behind the back and with one leg folded.

We need the best to come forward. We can achieve success through meritocracy and still focus help and attention on those who are weak and less unfortunate irregardless of race, creed or religion.