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The ‘politics of opposition’ is not enough

As Tariq Ramadan has commented, the popularity of Islamist movement of the Arab Spring “lies far more in their persistence in opposition than in their capacity to develop credible proposals for the future”.

Their “resistance to the regime added to their credibility”, and when they find themselves in a situation where they hold considerable governing power, they immediately disappoint.

There are some political movements whose momentum are sustained by virtue of being in the opposition. Their popularity is cultivated from their staunchly anti-statism stance (against the state). This explains the phenomenal rise of the Arab Spring movements in 2011, which subsequently failed to deliver concrete results.

The same observation can be applied to the Islamic movements of Malaysia, chiefly that of PAS. It is not a coincidence that this quandary is especially prominent amongst Islamic movements than secular political parties. Rather than offer credible alternatives to the Western liberal democracy, their politics is more concerned with the providing Islamic legitimacy to public policy than deal with the complexities of contemporary economic and social issues.

Moreover, long shunned as an outsider to the Western world order, Islamic movements are usually not placed in a position to govern, and hence have yet to come to terms with the unrealistic politics inherent in their movements.

PAS is a opposition movement whose persistence in Malaysian politics is notable. Their resistance to state hegemony is an appeal that continues to draw believers in. There is no doubt that despite their ouster from Pakatan Rakyat, they are likely to remain in the local political landscape for the years to come.

The difference, however, is that their development is stunted as an ‘outsider’. Offering neither visionary leadership nor concrete measures to the Malaysian economic woes, the entire movement is very ingrained in the the ‘politics of opposition’. It is the position as an outsider, as a ‘martyr’ resisting the state, that gives PAS the resounding support it enjoys.

In other words, the legitimacy of PAS is derived from its staunch resistance to the state, not rooted in their credibility as a party that would one day helm government. Whereas it is widely perceived by the electorate that DAP and PKR are parties with a high level of maturity to take over government, PAS is less so.

This is conspicuous especially in the run up to the GE13, whereby the Selangor and Penang government are offered as positive examples of good governance by opposition parties, while both Kelantan and Kedah as states governed by PAS are oddly left out in the opposition’s campaign materials and speeches.

Any successful opposition parties cannot rely solely on the ‘politics of opposition’. Although opposing the status quo provides political parties an aura of ‘anti-establishment’ flavour, to be continuously mired in the ‘politics of opposition’ is denying the party the opportunity to mature as credible successors to take over the state machinery.

This is relevant as a lesson to the newly-formed Gerakan Harapan Baru (GHB). While it is easy and enticing to use Islam to increase its popularity in offering a counter hegemonic and anti-establishment ideology to the ruling coalition’s, the new movement also has to successfully mature into a party with satisfactory governing capabilities.

The ‘politics of opposition’ is not enough. Only in delving into the reality of today’s complexities can GHB strengthen political Islam and replace the lacklustre leadership of PAS.


LAY SHENG YAP is a government student at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

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