The recent Suqiu (Malaysian Chinese Organisations' Election Appeals) fiasco had proven beyond doubt that in Malaysia there is freedom of speech, but sadly not after speech.

Nonetheless, the Malaysian Constitution is a good constitution where there are provisions that guarantee freedom of speech. But it is not an excellent one which guarantees freedom after speech.

Unfortunately, freedom after speech only applies to those who are in power and for those who are aligned to them.

One good example is the Umno Youth's demonstration to quell Suqiu's appeals. The demonstration was so rowdy in nature that it would easily be interpreted as rioting if we go by the charges meted out to Keadilan's leaders at other gatherings.

A simple ''no'' is sufficient an answer to the Suqiu's appeals. Why play up the issue?

'Malaysianess' lost

It is an undeniable fact that Suqiu's 17-point appeals cover a broad range of multi-ethnic issues which would affect the fate of every known nationality in Malaysia. Ironically, Suqiu is solely made up of Chinese organisations and by taking on the principal role to channel these appeals nullifies the 'Malaysianess' of the appeals.

In the eyes of a non-Chinese, Suqiu's appeals would look nothing more than a Chinese document of appeals rather than a Malaysian one.

Nevertheless, Suqiu has the right to draft any appeal that it feels relevant to the Malaysian society because this right falls within the purview of free speech and expression. But then, over 2,000 Chinese organisations do not provide a strong enough platform to effectively push forward a document of appeals for all races.

In Malaysia the political playing field is never level for the opposition parties. Thus, it would be an insurmountable task for opposition parties to embark on a mission to change the local political and social landscape in Malaysia let alone by a single ethnic group.

Multi-ethnic approach

Suqiu should have opted for a multi-ethnic approach by enlarging its committee to include other races and members from trade unions, women's groups, consumer groups, civil rights groups, etc.

Without doubt, Suqiu needs the participation of non-Chinese organisations to strengthen its position to put forward the appeals. Although Suqiu is backed by 2,095 Chinese organisations, it is not as strong as it is made out to be. It buckled under Umno's pressure.

Unequivocally, if Suqiu wants to make its appeal more acceptable to all Malaysians, then groups from other races and specialties must be included.

If Suqiu were to appeal to the government for changes only to ameliorate the situation of the Chinese then the present Suqiu structure suffices.

Sadly this is not the case. Suqiu's appeals encompass a myriad of issues that transcend beyond racial boundaries. For this rationale, Suqiu must break away from its racial shell and incorporate other ethnic organisations in its quest to build a Malaysia where all races could fit comfortably into the Bangsa Malaysia paradigm.

In sum, Suqiu has lost a big chunk of its effectiveness and support from the Chinese. For Suqiu to continue functioning as before would be a tedious task and it must first explain to all signatory organisations what went on behind the closed door meetings with Umno Youth.

In addition, Suqiu should not only show goodwill to Umno Youth alone for it may be seen as appeasement. Suqiu should in the same manner reciprocate PAS, Keadilan and PRM who had risked losing their Malay base to come out to defend Suqiu.