The Federation of Peninsular Malay Students (GPMS) is not, strictly speaking, a students' union. It is of ex-students with an honourable history. Among its early members, in the mid-1940s, is the present prime minister. But in recent years it is no more than an organisation to rally for Malaysia Boleh contracts, and successfully too.

It is therefore aligned to Umno and those in power, and press-ganged into 'national service' to raise the ante with the Suqiu and Chinese educationists with their demands for their place in the Malaysian sun. It had all along received special allowances from the government, as indeed many others.

With students banned from involving themselves in politics, GPMS, if it were a students' union could not have behaved as it does. Even the education minister could not give it a waiver without a political backlash. But it is not a students' union.

Why are the GPMS' demands not made public? Only the chairman and the Prime Minister know about it. How could it expect public support if the public does not know what it is supporting? Or is it yet another wayang kulit to show support for the government when there is none?

It threatened a 100,000-strong demonstration at the Bukit Jalil Stadium to press its anti-Suqiu demands. It could not without the government's collusion. When opposition parties are routinely denied permission to use the stadium, and the police crack down hard when it is held outside, it would damage the government's credibility even further. It is doubtful if it could attract a crowd of 100,000 as easily as the opposition now can. So, it now holds Malay unity rallies throughout the country instead.

Fundamental issues unresolved

Some Umno leaders quickly realised the folly of bringing in little known organisations to rally on its side to prove its leadership of the Malays. Umno cannot, with or without GPMS, claim to foster Malay unity so long as what caused the desertion is not resolved: the Anwar Ibrahim affair.

Add to that the side issues: the denial of oil royalties to a Malay state, Terengganu, with 90 percent of its population Malays. The two states with more than 90 percent of its population Malays - the other is Kelantan - is in opposition hands. The federal government looks upon both as states to be penalised for voting in non-Barisan Nasional governments.

Umno's offer of unity talks with PAS and Keadilan parties is stymied from the start. Why then this need for Malay unity now? What larger threat do Malays now face? In the general elections a year ago, two-thirds of the Malays voted for the opposition. In the past, two-thirds voted with the Barisan Nasional.

This suggests that the Malays are united with the opposition. Does Umno suggest Malay unity could exist only under its leadership? How does Suqiu and others threaten constitutional guarantees of Malays? How do their general demands threaten Malay unity?

But Umno would not answer these questions. Especially the more important one: Could Umno survive if the leadership of the Malays shift to a party in the opposition? Why should PAS and Keadilan then be as assiduously concerned about a Malay unity conference under its leadership? More important, if a non-Malay group suggests a revision of their status, is Malay unity so weak that it threatens the Malays?