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The recent spate of hardliner statements reversing Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's reform pledges for greater openness bears witness to the effect of the recent London rendezvous between Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak and former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad.

Following the Umno Supreme Council meeting on July 25, the nation was stunned by a series of repressive and retrogressive announcements that blatantly defy logic and contradict Abdullah's advocacy for a more open and humane society. These are:

  • Abdullah s announcement that Article 11's forums on religious freedom (through re-affirming the supremacy of the Constitution) be ceased forthwith. He also warned of stern action against media that raised religious and racial issues.

  • Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin's de facto declaration of war against the media, citing a 'recent trend' towards media freedom as having inflamed religious and racial sentiments. He rejected the notion of a 'honeymoon period' for the media under Abdullah's reform agenda to introduce greater transparency and instead warned of a racial riots and a crack down reminiscent of May 13 and Operasi Lalang respectively. Deputy Internal Security Minister Fu Ah Kiow talking of tightening the draconian Printing Presses and Publications Act to rope in the Internet.
  • The question now is this: why is there such a sudden reversal of policy that has practically negated Abdullah's fledgling steps towards liberalisation achieved over almost three years of his premiership? Has he lost control of the Umno Supreme Council to Mahathir's loyalists led by Najib? Are these Mahathir-style repressive measures part of an overall strategy worked out between Mahathir and Najib during their recent week long sojourn in London?

    The answer seems to be yes, when we piece together these repressive measures with Mahathir's newly acquired confidence and arrogance upon his return from London on July 22. In speeches in Kota Bahru on July 28, he launched unprecedented no-holds-barred attacks against Abdullah, accusing the latter of many failings as a leader and calling on Umno to reject his (Abdullah's) leadership for failing to look after the Malays. Mahathir even accused Abdullah's son and son-in-law of making corrupted deals (though without giving any proof).

    There is no doubt that Mahathir has burnt the bridges behind him and is heading for a shootout with Abdullah. The coincidence in timing of Mahathir's new onslaught and the Umno's government's tightening of the screws leaves one with little room for imagination other than to conclude that this is a concerted effort born out of a renewed alliance between Mahathir and Najib to unseat the incumbent.

    From now onwards, we can expect Mahathir to blaze his tail across Umno-land, coinciding with the pending series of Umno division meetings all over the country beginning August, where the battles for the hearts and minds of Umno's grassroots will be fought and possibly decided.

    Among the factors that will determine the outcome of this all-out battle for leadership, perhaps the most important one - other than the leaders' personal qualities - is the issue of who has the upper hand in controlling the mass media which comprise the mainstream newspapers, TV channels and radio stations. For it is the mass media that holds the key to the shaping and molding of public opinion.

    Next in importance is the control and effectiveness of the law-enforcing bodies in fulfilling their constitutional roles. These bodies are the Anti-Corruption Agency, the police, the Attorney- General's Chambers and the judiciary. With the mountain of scandals and dubious deals transacted during Mahathir's autocratic rule (some linked to him personally), the files of which have been gathering dust, it should not be that difficult to bring Mahathir to book.

    As president of Umno and prime minister of the country, Abdullah has the advantage of having inherited a post of immense power, thanks to years of devious maneuvering by Mahathir. In his over two decades of autocratic rule, Mahathir had repeatedly amended and honed the party constitution and the laws of the country to give himself unchallenged dictatorial power that

    could theoretically sustain his leadership for life.

    Now that Abdullah has taken over Mahathir's throne, it should be well within Abdullah's competence to put down Mahathir's insurgence. Putting it crudely, if the roles of Mahathir and Abdullah were to be reversed, Mahathir would have promptly quelled such rebellion with ease.

    Abdullah has already wasted much time in failing to deal Mahathir properly, causing the leadership to drift and the country to suffer much opportunity cost. Can he finally find the courage and the wisdom to do the right thing by putting Mahathir in his proper place swiftly, thus sparing the nation further nonsense from the former autocrat?

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