The voters in the small town near Port Dickson have clearly exercised their vote to give BN a landslide victory. Based on past elections, the incumbent always held fort. BN was expected to retain Bagan Pinang .

There was also a high 40% postal vote factor in this by-election. Postal votes are normally pro- BN. However, the exceptionally high margin secured by the BN candidate confirms that more Indians had decided to give back their votes to BN.

Throughout the campaign period, observers were gauging if Pakatan Rakyat could make inroads into Bagan Binang. In the case of BN, it was very pertinent for them to retain the seat.

Against the wishes of the likes of Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzh, Prime Minister Najib Razak chose Mohd Isa Samad, a controversial candidate who was once censored and penalised by his own party.

This was indeed a political gamble. A loss in Bagan Pinang could actually have seen the weakening of his (Najib’s) position within his party. The win in Bagan Pinang can be seen as a mandate for PM Najib Razak to continue his BN leadership.

This by-election has shown us the glaring weaknesses within Pakatan. Pakatan has seemingly lost ground and has not settled in as the ruling government in their fivemajor states. But more importantly, they have lost the ground they had gained with the Indian community..

From the results and the ensuing commentaries posted on the Bagan Pinang by-elections are we to infer the following:

1. Corruption, though an important issue, only took second place to other more tangible issues like housing, health, education and food.

2.The Indians’ temper against the MIC and Umno seems to have cooled off.

3.Pakatan has not convinced the voters that it is a viable alternative to BN in ruling the country.

4. Pakatan to present to the Indians effective socio-economic programmes to secure their upward mobility.

The Indian community which was responsible for the ‘tsunami’ election results in 2008, was eager to see policy-based resolutions to their perennial problems by an alternate Pakatan-led government but this, however, did not happen in the Pakatan-governed states. As such they had to weigh other options for their future. If Pakatan does not distinguish itself as viable governing material, it should not be surprised if it loses its stake in the next general election.

The success of Pakatan in the 12th general election was aided by the issues that dominated the political landscape then including the Suhashini custodial battle, the Malacca pig breeders issue, the Herald publication’s KDN withdrawal, the Shah Alam temple demolition and the Hindraf 5 ISA detention.

It was further facilitated by the flaw in the judgment of the timing of the elections by the former prime minister. But the next time around, Pakatan will not have that benefit. Be sure that the current prime minister will time the elections to his advantage. He is on track to appease the Indians. He will work around the other races soon.

Pakatan should not just wait to pounce on controversies and flaws of the governance of BN but should steer its state governments to deliver a distinctively viable socio-economic agenda .With two economically well-developed states in hand, this should not be a daunting task. If it fails to impress in the ensuing months, forget about staking a claim for the seat in Putrajaya.

From the lesson of Bagan Pinang we know that voter sentiment is very volatile and no party can claim an absolute right to govern. Malaysian politics seems dynamic in its pattern of swings. In the next 24 months, if Pakatan fails to demonstrate its governance in its ruling states, we should not be surprised at a reversal of previous voting trends.

It is a strategic political error that Pakatan did not develop a mechanism wherein the participation of the leaders of the ‘Hindraf inspiration’ could have been secured in the running of the Pakatan-controlled states. Is this a manifestation of Umno-type arrogance or is it a deliberate strategy to sideline and marginalise those Hindraf leaders?

This so the Indians’ support can be split and absorbed within the so-called multiracial parties like PKR and DAP and into PAS through its dubious ‘Fan Club? Is a strong, united Indian community centered on the struggle of Hindraf a threat to others who connive to hijack Indian support by empty political rhetoric?

From the Bukit Selambau by-elections and the failure of Pakatan to accommodate the request of a Hindraf candidate as their choice, it is evident and has become difficult to believe that a Pakatan-led federal government will give due consideration to the 18-point socio-economic agenda which was the core of the Nov25, 2007 Hindraf spirit.

Indians have been emotionally distraught and downtrodden. If by just political rhetoric Pakatan plans manage the Indian support, such support will evaporate in no time. I just hope Bagan Pinang is not the beginning of such a process.