I refer to the letter Ong Tee Keat, you've lost it .

Politics is an art of converting impossibility to the workable. MCA President Ong Tee Keat expressed his disapproval of Dr Chua Soi Lek before the Oct 10 EGM but he has now accepted that to run MCA, he has to work with officials elected by the general assembly.

It is a great thing that he can now accept the reality to work with Chua, and relegate his personal preferences to his private life. Did you not see how Anwar Ibrahim was smiling and having tea with Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak in Parliament?

Politicians should be able to disagree without making the opponent one’s enemy. If Ong had not done it before, it only shows that he has become more mature now. Ong Tee Keat’s only sin was to have declared that he would resign if he lost in the no-confidence vote. He did not have to make that declaration.

He did it because of his confidants then conditioned him to have the confidence of their undivided support. This was illustrated by Liow Tiong Lai and his gang declaring that they would move in tandem with the president. They told Ong on Oct 8 not to resign even if he lost in the no-confidence vote; Ong was moved almost to tears.

The results of the EGM resolutions (1) and (3) produced the confirmation that 45 delegates voted against both Chua Soi Lek and Ong Tee Keat. Ong certainly had time to think between Oct 10 and 15 when the central committee met for the first time after the EGM. Liow claimed that Ong ‘willed’ him to proceed with succession plan, and having got the will, the will-maker had ‘to die’, or ‘commit suicide’ by resigning.

That was the view and action of Liow, Wee Ka Siong and Chew Mei Fun while attending the central committee meeting on Oct 15. Liow did not get the highest number of votes for vice-president in the election the year before and was not the most senior VP.

He conspired with other CC members and had with him the signature of 22 CC members, perhaps on a blank sheet of paper. With that he succeeded in getting himself appointed as deputy president while Chua was holding the position at all time, before and after the Oct 10 EGM.

It should be noted that Article 45.25 of MCA constitution demands that the suspension or sacking of an elected party official requires the confirmation of two–thirds of the delegates attending the general assembly.

In a way, the EGM served to verify the decision of the disciplinary board of MCA. The EGM neither had the enough number of votes to sack Chua, nor to deny him his post as deputy president. The so-called crisis facing MCA is the creation of Liow in his conspiracy to overtake other vice-presidents to be appointed as deputy president and subsequently as president by forcing out Ong.

Liow’s action during the central committee meeting on Oct 15 together with the fact that the 45 votes against him could have been cast by his erstwhile supporters who showed their hands on that fateful day made Ong face a dilemma. He could allow his former confidants to consider him a fool and resign, or he would blemish his reputation by staying on.

As an elected official to the top post, he had a duty to see through his elected term, especially when leaving the post meant that he would succumb to the deceit of opportunists. He chose rightly to blunt the ambition of these opportunists.

The MCA Presidential Council was established under Article 46 of MCA constitution which reads: ‘There shall be established from amongst the members of the central committee a Presidential Council which shall consist of the president, the deputy president, one or more vice- presidents, the secretary-general, the treasurer-general, the national organising secretary and not more than ten (10) other members appointed by the president in his absolute discretion, who likewise may terminate such appointment if and when he thinks fit.’

When the prime minister has the prerogative to appoint ministers and the power is respected, why should the power entrusted with the president of MCA be questioned? It is being questioned by party members because the president does not have the absolute power to determine their political future.

It only means that the members are not disciplined and since Umno leaders are only awaiting the opportunity to intervene to make MCA more obedient, it would not be possible to send those rebels to the party disciplinary board for insubordination. The presidential council cannot function effectively when there are rebels among the members.

In any case, the two sacked presidents of the youth and women’s wings are not indispensable. There are sufficient vice-presidents appointed to the council without the two as envisaged by the constitution.

The chief of the two wings cried, maybe as a show to create the impression that there was indeed a crisis in the party. It seems that they succeeded and this may be part of the script to bring about Najib’s intervention.