By all counts, the BN should do better in 2004 polls as compared to 1999. For one thing, the object of ire on the part of Anwar Ibrahim's sympathisers - Dr Mahathir Mohamad - has exited. Although the anger is still there, it is presumably not as strong as it then was.

Presently the economy - or rather the 'feel good' factor - also helps with upbeat better sentiments reflected in the stock exchange and trade figures churned out by the relevant agencies.

This 'feel good' is also engendered by the affable and friendly approach of the current premier who asked us to work with him and not for (or against?) him.

In the four months between assuming high office and announcing the 11th general election, Pak Lah has made it a point to address some of the more trenchant criticisms of the previous administration of not enough being done to curb abuse of power, corruption and cronyism.

To match words against deeds, Pak Lah has not prevented the ACA from leveling charges against an ex-industrialist, a federal minister and some senior executives.

Detractors describe this anti-graft campaign as an election ploy, window washing. Some cynics even predicted that they would be let off with a smack on the hand even if convicted. The view taken is that graft is itself so institutionalised that it cannot be fought against, much less uprooted by a few sermons or the tokenism of sacrificing a few "anchovies" whilst "piranhas and sharks" still swim and prey!

Of course there is a much longer list of high-profile personalities investigated who have not yet been brought to book. But as of now, and at least for the younger set, it would have been enough for the time being.

This is firstly and precisely because corruption is so deeply ingrained in the political and corporate culture. In part, this was fostered by the drive of the previous administration to make the nation industrialise, develop and get rich quick, a malaise that cannot be immediately addressed in the first 100 days of Pak Lah's administration.

Although it may take much more than 1,000 days, the important thing is that the message is out significantly from the very fount of patronage that it must all end now. At least there must be the beginning of an end to this rot that threatens the soul of the nation and its peoples.

Now I imagine that it would be an exercise in futility to debate and speculate on issues such as whether the PM's will to fight graft is really sincere or a sandiwara . And even if it were sincere, the question is whether the forces arrayed against one good and clean man are too much for it to get off the ground.

The significant point is that the prime minister will make the anti-graft campaign an important anchor of the coming election campaign.

This being the case, anti-graft becomes a focal and rallying point on which perceptions are framed, hopes are pinned, expectations are galvanised. Most significantly, the benchmark is set by which the rakyat could measure, in the future after the election has been won, whether the chief and the ruling coalition that he leads is deserving of the mandate in the next election.

I venture to suggest that if anti-graft does prove effective to garner votes and support, there is also no reason for the ruling coalition to abandon this very platform that has given it a second wind to reinvent itself, even if the initial impetus against graft had been less than a totally sincere one.

Sincere or not, who can unravel the recesses of a human mind? But there is much force in the argument that we should not deride the tokenism of visits to immigration office, the royal police commission and hauling of the anchovies to court.

Given the existing realities of pervasive corruption and the vested interest in the corridors of power fed by it, only anti-graft tokenism or gesture is possible for the time being. However, as Mao Zedong exhorted, the journey of 6,000 miles begins with the first step.

And the direction in which the first tentative steps face becomes important as a signal to all who want to join the political bandwagon to pull up their socks as they will be measured by whether they support the general direction.

I would agree with MA's letter (' Judge Pak Lah by his list of candidates ') on that part that pointed to the importance of watching the candidate's list.

On March 1, The Sun reported that the PM insisted that the candidates for the general election should have the prerequisites of being "untainted by corruption and personal scandals" with even "ability, personality, acceptability and industriousness" coming second. Pak Lah should make sure that the list is clean. He cannot lead a pack that is inclined to take detours.

It is the prerogative of the head of BN to determine who goes in and out of the list (pressures raging around notwithstanding) and with that power comes responsibility of the decision!

The concomitant of not adhering to this pledge of a clean list is also clear. One only shoots himself in the foot for declaring an intention to have a clean list that proves sullied.

It is true that in the past, money politics and corruption were decried and nothing more than lip service was paid. It is legitimate for doubters to question whether this time around it is the same. However, it is incumbent on those who care for the future of the country especially the young to give Pak Lah's commitment against graft the benefit of the doubt. Otherwise there is only one alternative left that of the theocracy of PAS.

For these reasons, the BN is pretty assured to win the urban areas. This 'feel good' factor and the identification of the present administration with all that is not right about the previous one (such as the anti-graft campaign, people-friendly approach, opposing police brutality, friendlier diplomatic relations with other countries, dilution of the Anwar outrage due to passage of time and exit of his "punisher") will all score points that ought to improve BN's performance substantially over that of 1999, if not create a landslide. For what issues deserving national attention are there left for the opposition this time around?

That is why the key states to watch are the predominantly Muslim states of Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu.

They will determine which is more important for the majority the promise of greater democracy or the promise of greater theocracy of an Islamic state? (' Islam will be the key issue in the general election ').

If the battle lines are drawn and defined and the outcome measured by what happens in the rural belts up North and East of the Semenanjong, then even the DAP, which is so against the PAS agenda, has to rethink whether it should support the BN or at least not split the BN vote against PAS!