Whether we admit it not, it is the preponderant role of the Malay hegemonic state that denies democracy, justice and equality to the various nationalities in Malaysia.
Forty-three years of Umno's political dominance has ethnised Malaysian politics to the extent where institutions, policies, administration, the mind-set and others have been totally geared to see only members of the Malay race have an important edge over members of other ethnic nationalities.
From time to time, historical factors and others have been used to buttress the arguments in support of Malay hegemony. However, in a capitalist society such as Malaysia, the rhetoric of Malay hegemony over the years seems to have only benefitted one a small section of the Malay elite who have developed close nexus with those in control of political power.
However, this economic contradiction notwithstanding, the political and cultural power of Malay hegemony is such that it has served to prevent whatever class alignments between the proletariat of the various ethnic groups.
Umno, the defender of the Malay hegemonic state, is not alone in this diabolical game; it is being supported by nearly 13 ethnic coalition members, many of them are representatives of non-Malays.
The very fact that these parties support Umno and in turn benefit from the crumbs dished out goes to show that the whole Malay hegemonic enterprise has some kind of political legitimacy. It is on this ideological/political basis that the country has been governed over the last four decades, periodic elections serving as mechanisms for renewal of political power.
Obnoxious laws
Needless to remark, this whole Malay hegemonic enterprise has not been without problems, but then the exercise of coercion whenever and wherever necessary has served to put a damper on counter-hegemonic dissent.
Politicisation on the basis of the Malay hegemonic order has meant a number of implications for the development of Malaysian society. First, members of other nationalities simply do not have the political power to challenge some of the most obnoxious laws and policies that stand in the way of their progress.
Second, the institutionalisation of Malay hegemony has meant that demands from other nationalities are simply denied or rejected on the basis that they contradict with the national policy of the land.
Third, discrimination in the name of Malay hegemony and affirmative action has meant among other things sacrifice and hard work of other nationalities have simply been discarded.
Fourth and very dangerously, the socialisation process initiated by the practices and ideas of this particular political ideology has caused irreparable damage to Malaysians in general to think of alternative political formation - political formations that would respect the equality of all races and for the evolution of genuine democratic reforms.
Magical answer?
While the present opposition coalition can be credited for challenging some aspects of the present status-quo, the trajectory seems more directed at Umno rather than the entire Malay hegemonic enterprise. In fact, it could be argued that none of the opposition parties have directed themselves to dismantle the present hegemonic apparatus in the country.
On the contrary, some of them have even appropriated features of the Malay hegemonic order to win elections and in the process alienating other non-Malay nationalities. Opposition to the present ruling elite is important, but it cannot be just directed at one party or the dominant party without dismantling the ideological apparatus on which this party receives its sustenance.
Furthermore, the failure on the part of non-Malay parties to articulate the larger concerns of their communities has been drowned in the chorus of multi-racialism; as though multi-racialism is a magical answer to their long years of discrimination and marginalisation.
Multi-racialism or multi-culturalism without the rejection of the Malay hegemonic state and the institutions that go along with it will remain empty slogans. Political parties, non-governmental organisations, social groups and many others cannot take for granted that the use of the term multi-racialism would just be sufficient to take the country on different paradigmatic road to freedom, democracy and racial equality.
Whether they like it or not, alternative political formations to the present the regime must make effort to deal with the ethnic or nationality question. Honest effort must be directed in rejecting racial and religious discrimination of other nationalities. The immigrant or other historical factors should not used to marginalise ethnic groups in favour of dominant groups.
Square one
We know that Umno, and to a lesser extent its other partners, have destroyed whatever goodwill that existed between the various races in this country. Barisan Nasional and its politics should be rejected by alternative political formations.
But then, mere rejection of political parties or its leaders would not provide any sensible solutions to the creation of a new political order. In this respect, opposition parties in the country should make a serious attempt to think and understand as what has to be done.
Selective appropriation of the features of Malay hegemonic order will not bring about a paradigmatic change but it will merely replace one decadent political formation with another. Then it will be back to square one in the Malaysian political arena - the same old system with new political masters.
Therefore it is of utmost necessity that alternative formations, be they political parties or social organisations, must honestly and forthrightly address the nationality problems of different ethnic groups.
Most significantly, the issue of racial and religious discrimination that is currently perpetrated by the Malay hegemonic state with Umno in-charge should be addressed, questioned and dismantled intellectually.
There is no way that alternative political formations in the country can honestly address the problems of other nationalities without touching on those aspects that bother them most.
Let us not deceive ourselves into thinking that mere collapse of the Barisan Nasional regime will be the end of the nightmare and that the non-discussion of racial issues will some how make them disappear into thin air.
P RAMASAMY is a professor of political economy at the Political Science Department, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia and has academic interests in Malaysian politics and labour. He has written quite extensively and is currently focusing on conflict management in Sri Lanka.
