analysis
Few seem interested to probe further into what actually prompted the Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) to soften its stand on the government and applied to rejoin the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition.Is it because PBS president Pairin Kitingan saw the opportunity for him to become the chief minister through the existing rotation system? Or is there any other hidden agenda for PBS, especially after Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad proclaimed that Malaysia as an Islamic country?
As much as Umno is said to be the protector of the Malays and Islam, PBS too is known to do the same for the Kadazan-Dusun community.
Could it also be that PBS is trying to keep the community together after several PBS leaders have defected to other BN component parties or to form new parties. No doubt, with the formation of more political parties representing the Kadazan-Dusun community, PBS influence is diminishing. This has facilitated Umno's smooth entry into Sabah, and which now forms the largest component of the state government.
PBS leaders must have realised that there is no immediate opportunity for the party to regain power from the BN government in Sabah because the rotation system allows leaders of BN component parties to take turn to become chief minister every two years.
The rotation system was somehow designed in such a way that the leader of the BN component party which represent Kadazan-Dusun community, will always become chief minister when the state election is just round the corner.
Given the fact that the Kadazan-Dusun community is the largest population in the rural areas, BN campaigners have so far managed to convince them that the vote for the BN is also the vote for chief minister of their origin.
Eroded public trust
The decision by PBS leaders and state assemblymen to defect to other BN component parties, has also eroded public trust. Even if elected, there is always the possibility of them leaving the party. As such, some Kadazan-Dusun voters have opted to vote for BN candidates.
But several local observers think that there are other possible reasons for PBS' keenness to rejoin BN. Firstly, by virtue of the number of state seats held by PBS in the state assembly, the party will emerge as the second largest component party in the state-level coalition, next to Umno. This may eventually enable PBS to play a large role in shaping future Sabah politics.
PBS won all the 16 Kadazan-Dusun dominated constituencies in the last state election. However, seven of them have since defected to BN - five joined the Sabah United People Party (PBRS) and another two to Umno.
At present the Sabah state assembly comprises Umno (26), PBRS (five), United Pasok Momogun Kadazan Organisation or Upko (three), Sabah Progressive Party or Sapp (three), PBS (nine) and Liberal Democratic Party, or LDP (two).
Since the election, however, several PBS senior leaders have defeated to BN, either by forming new political parties or joining the existing BN component parties in Sabah.
Bernard Dompok, for example, formed the United Pasok Mumungan while another PBS leader, Joseph Kurup formed the Sabah People United Party.
Yong Teik Lee also left PBS to formed a Chinese-based party, the Sabah Progressive Party. Both Dompok and Yong have become the state chief minister under the BN rotation system.
Rotation system
Secondly, the BN coalition leaders probably find some irony in the fact that some PBS leaders who opposed the party's plan to rejoin BN are defecting to BN coalition parties in Sabah.
Last week, PBS members led by state assembly representative Clarence Bongkos Malakun crossed over to Upko. Indeed, they could have joined the opposition parties - the best available now are either Keadilan or DAP - but they didn't.
But could this be part the PBS "masterplan" in coming back to BN's fold. If there is any truth in it, probably more will defect to other Kadazan-Dusun-based parties in BN.
This led some observers to speculate that PBS is putting "the people" in all the Kadazan-Dusun-based parties in BN to enable the party to influence their rivals, as well as to keeping them in line with what PBS is demanding later.
There could also lead to a bigger agenda. We could not, at this moment, rule out the possibility of PBS trying to work itself through BN to eventually get all the Kadazan-Dusun-based parties in BN to merge into one single party to represent the community in the coalition.
Political equation
If this scenario ever materialise, then Umno will in future have to face a strong Kadazan-Dusun-based party in Sabah and this may probably also change the political equation in Sabah politics.
This possibility has apparently been bothering many local BN leaders who are still skeptical about PBS' intention to return to BN fold. This also gives more reason for the BN to insist that PBS agrees to some sort of agreement to prove its sincerity, before being admitted back into BN coalition.
PBS, which was formed in 1985, is remembered as a party which has "stabbed its friends in the back" at the time when its support was critically needed.
When BN was desperately in need of support to face the Semangat 46 brokered opposition pact - Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah, or United People Front, and Gagasan Rakyat - PBS decided to turn its back on the ruling coalition and joined the opposition front.
NASH RAHMAN is senior analyst of Strategic Analysis Malaysia (SAM) which produces the subscriber-based political report, Analysis Malaysia. He is a former chief news editor in Berita Harian , editor of now defunct Watan and associate editor of The Sun .
