A senior police officer allegedly declares he has assets worth RM34 million (US$8.9 million); another rakes in RM200,000 a month from a protection racket he runs. And that's just the tip of the iceberg in Malaysia.

These are part of the findings of an independent commission of inquiry, headed by a former judge, that has taken Malaysia's police force to task for human rights abuses and corruption in a surprisingly frank report released last week.

It has come up with 125 recommendations to improve police operations. Among the key proposals is the setting up of a permanent independent commission to investigate and take action on public complaints against the police.

The commission and its report are being seen as an attempt to repair the tarnished image of the force - and burnish Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's waning reformist credentials amidst mounting public disillusionment in recent months.

Before the report was released, Abdullah's credibility as someone who could bring about reforms was at stake.

"There was a lot of talk about Abdullah not being able to do much to wipe out corruption and abuse of power," noted political scientist Johan Saravanamuttu.

"I see (the commission and its report) as Abdullah trying to re-establish himself in the eyes of the public."

Already the premier has promised to set up a task force, which he will head, to oversee the implementation of the commission's recommendations.

What ails the force

In the Malaysian context, the police have always been relied upon to ensure 'stability' for the country in more ways than one.

Malaysia has been led by the same party, the United Malays National Organisation - in coalitions with other parties - since independence from the British in 1957.

When pro-democracy protests erupted in 1998 after former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad sacked his populist deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, the police played a key role in suppressing the fledgling reformasi movement, comprising activists, opposition politicians and ordinary people.

But the high-handed methods used to quell the movement tarnished the image of the police and undermined their credibility. The most damaging incident occurred in September 1998, when Anwar was arrested after leading a huge demonstration in Kuala Lumpur, as tens of thousands of people called for Mahathir's resignation.

That night, the country's then police chief Abdul Rahim Mohd Noor pummeled a bound and handcuffed Anwar in a police cell, leaving him unconscious. Days later, when public pressure forced the authorities to bring Anwar to court, his black eye sparked a public outcry.

Other reformasi activists were detained under the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA) and some alleged that they were abused or tortured either mentally or physically. The ISA allows for indefinite detention without trial.

In addition, dozens of peaceful demonstrators on the streets felt the wrong end of police batons while many more were stung by tear gas.

While Mahathir's administration survived the upheaval - the former strongman eventually stepped down in 2003 after 22 years in power - his suppression of dissent left the image of the police in tatters.

Nothing new

In a sense, it didn't have to take such a bulky report to find out what most Malaysians already know about corruption and abuse of power in the police force. Even before the reformasi protests, in coffee-shop talk and the privacy of homes, many Malaysians would whisper among themselves about corruption among the men in blue.

The commission received 468 letters from the public, 232 online responses, and 551 complaints through public hearings, as well as 316 suggestions for improvement. Its report outlined a litany of cases of corruption and abuse of power involving police personnel, but few Malaysians appeared surprised.

Some see the commission's findings as an endeavour to boost the legitimacy of the police as a key apparatus of the Malaysian state.

"It is an attempt to restore their image," said Johan.

All the same, the findings are significant. This is the first time an official body has publicly acknowledged widespread corruption, abuse of power and other shortcomings in the force.

"The commission recognises that there is corruption, there are abuses, and vulnerable members of society are without protection under detention," noted P Ramakrishnan, president of the social reform group Aliran.

But while the commission seemed willing to tackle corruption and the conditions that lead to everyday abuse of power, it appeared less willing to confront the most oppressive of the preventive detention laws, the ISA.

Many former detainees have complained of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment while in custody. But instead of calling for the repeal of the ISA, the commission merely called for the law to be amended (though it did call for the repeal of other similar laws).

"It is difficult to accept the commission's recommendation that the initial period for detention under the ISA be reduced to 30 days (from 60 days) when this obnoxious law should not exist in our statute books," said Ramakrishnan.

Anti-ISA campaigners have pointed out that the worst abuses against detainees occur during the first two weeks of detention, often at unknown locations where the detainees are held in solitary confinement.

"A law that denies a person his recourse to natural justice cannot be justified for whatever reason or under whatever circumstances, " said Ramakrishnan.

He added that he is concerned whether the commission's other recommendations would be translated into effective mechanisms "to halt the rot in the system".

Other activists felt the issues of custodial violence, deaths in police custody, and the allegedly indiscriminate shootings of criminal suspects were not adequately tackled.

'Set timeframe'

S Arutchelvan of the human rights group Suaram called on Abdullah to give an assurance and a timeframe for the implementation of the commission's recommendations.

He noted that the recommendations of two previous Royal Commissions - one on local government and the other on a disaster at a fireworks factory - were never implemented.

"We are concerned that this report will face the same fate," Arutchelvan pointed out in a statement, adding that the government should give a report every six months on the progress in implementing the recommendations.

One of those who has borne the brunt of police brutality is opposition politician Tian Chua, who was manhandled or assaulted during the reformasi period.

"As someone who has experienced it firsthand, I cannot but feel cynical (about the report). It's hard for us to feel any enthusiasm about the recommendations," he told IPS, noting that previous recommendations on freedom of assembly by the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia have not been implemented to date.

He stressed that it is not the length of detention that is crucial in preventing abuse of power and torture. Rather, the government has to abolish detention without trial, tackle the issue of absence of access to lawyers and observe the due process of law.

"Ultimately, it comes down to whether the government has the political will to carry out reforms," said Chua. - IPS