Draconian laws and the use of repression
COMMENT The decline of the British influence in India was the result of using draconian laws to suppress the Indian subjects.
When Mahatma Gandhi fought against the colonial power, he used passive resistance. Hundreds, if not thousands of Indians were thrown into prison, but they did not resist.
COMMENT The decline of the British influence in India was the result of using draconian laws to suppress the Indian subjects.
When Mahatma Gandhi fought against the colonial power, he used passive resistance. Hundreds, if not thousands of Indians were thrown into prison, but they did not resist.
Finally, the British knew that they could no longer cling on to power, and India achieved its independence in 1947.
The world over today celebrate Mahatma Gandhi as a great statesman. Likewise, Nelson Mandela ( left ), who was in prison for 27 years, is proof that no regime can survive for long, after it had shut out the dissenting voices.
Imprisonment and impact
Imprisonment or the use of threat against voices of dissent will only strengthen the opposition.
Recently, when Urban Well-being, Housing and Local Government Minister Abdul Rahman Dahlan was likened to a North Korean leader over his criticism of the United States (US) for criticising Malaysia’s use of the Sedition Act, Rahman immediately hit back at his critics warning the ‘big mouths’ to be ‘mindful’ of the Sedition Act.
It is such threats that drag Umno’s name further through the mud, where the silent majority is concerned and monitoring the political development. To most of us, it is appears to be an abuse of power. Rahman should have accepted responsibility when he used one finger to point at others, four other fingers will be pointing back at him.
When I read Rahman’s tweet, I could not help but shake my head to see the antics of a cabinet minister. As a public figure, he has to understand that his position or action can be criticized by anyone. Using the Sedition Act in retaliation is nothing but a lack of maturity on his part in handling public criticisms.
What is worse is that he is representing a party that is already being criticised from left to right a day earlier by delegates in Gerakan during its annual assembly.
Using the Sedition Act, and threatening imprisonment, or disqualifying an elected representative of the people will not go down well with the silent majority. Neither will it weaken the opposition; instead, it further strengthens the opposition.
For example, although she was put to eight hours of interrogation, Malaysiakini journalist Susan Loone ( left ) is now a celebrated journalist in the eyes of people who never knew her before this.
At the same time, Anwar Ibrahim is quoted saying that he would not go on exile just to escape the prospects of imprisonment. “I said 'no', it’s a matter of conviction,” he told the UK Telegraph. “I know exactly the difficulties and tribulations one has to endure in fighting a corrupt, opaque system.”
Anwar did not have to elaborate, but people could see who is behind the Sodomy II case. Even though the turnout at the trial may not be big, most of the people, except a few, will still sympathise with him.
Hulu Kelang assemblyperson Saari Sungib was imprisoned in Kamunting Detention camp under the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA) twice, but within the period, he was most prolific as a writer, producing and publishing eight books about his experiences of being interrogated as an ISA detainee.
After being released, Saari ( right ) has published another two books, with the latest title ‘Derita Penjara Tanpa Bicara (Imprisonment without Trials) which was launched on Oct 27 at Dewan Sivik MBPJ by Anwar.
Everyone has a circle of influence around him, and news of arrest or even interrogation will spread like wildfire - sometimes, even beyond the ordinary circle of friends and relatives. This is what Umno has to realise especially recently with the spate of arrests.
Since the Sedition Act was used against politicians and civilians, it has affected the sentiments of most Malaysians, including the nation’s elite law professionals, who came out to march against the Sedition Act.
Ordinary citizens who would otherwise prefer to remain unknown have come out in solidarity with non-governmental organisations such as the Anti-Sedition Movement or Gerakan Mansuhkan Akta Hasutan (GHAH).
The DAP’s clarion call to the cabinet to abolish the Sedition Act immediately after the patriotic march by the legal professionals in the country, has gained impetus as more individuals and NGOs have similarly voiced out their opposition against the colonial-era law that goes against the spirit of the federal constitution.
This was also as a result of Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Nancy Shukri’s answer in parliament that Perkasa chief Ibrahim Ali would not be prosecuted despite his blatant threat to burn Malay-language Bibles.
People are asking why while Ibrahim is not being charged with sedition, Gerakan’s Johor delegate is now being suspended by his own party leadership, and facing the prospects of also being investigated under the Sedition Act.
The delegate, Tan Lai Soon ( left ), had merely recited from the history book that except for the Orang Asli in the peninsula and the pribumi in Sabah and Sarawak, all other races are ‘pendatang’ (or immigrants), and he said it to stop the quarrel who is an immigrant, and who is not!
Under such circumstances, why would any Chinese or Indian voter still support the mainly Chinese-based Gerakan, when it can hardly even stand up for what is right? On everyone’s mind is the empty promise by the prime minister himself made two years ago to repeal the Act; instead, the law has been used recently in an attempt to silence the opposition.
Apart from politicians and the activists, even Malaysian Bar president Chris Leong has declared that the march to parliament on Oct 16 was to “claim back democratic public space”. He is quoted as saying that Malaysians are unhappy with the use of the Act against the dissenting voices. “You can’t stifle speech. You can’t stop expression of thought by thinking Malaysians,” he said.
A number of Bar Associations and law societies from countries like Australia, Japan, Nepal, Germany, Sri Lanka, Korea, the Commonwealth and Asia, have also written to Najib about the abuse of the Sedition Act.
Never has such a law received such wide condemnation as the Sedition Act, which was used by Umno politicians to warn the rakyat of expressing their concerns or disagreements.
At the same time, the use of the draconian law against Malaysian parliamentarians has also attracted the attention of the global Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).
IPU members specifically mentioned Malaysia as among the countries which experience human rights abuses of MPs, and its committee on the human rights of parliamentarians raised the subject during a meeting during the 131st IPU assembly in Geneva recently.
Although usually maintaining a non-interference stance, the United States has also expressed concern about the abuse of power under the Sedition Act.
The onus now is on the Umno-led government whether it would “the rule of law fairly, transparently, and apolitically in order to promote confidence in Malaysia’s democracy, judiciary and economy.”
Can Umno change?
As someone has pointed out, Umno appears to be in self-denial.
When its mouthpiece, Utusan Malaysia was told that its readership had dropped by 100,000 within 12 months from July 2013, it immediately slam Nielsen Malaysia’s report, instead of doing some soul-searching.
The same phenomenon has been observed in other mainstream media, where circulation has been badly hit over the years. In other words, the country’s demographics have changed, but the media owners are still using the old strategies.
On the other hand, whenever any of the Pakatan component parties’ communication organs were confiscated or banned, the circulation just kept rising.
It is hoped that, with this series of articles, Umno leaders will carry out some introspection to right the wrong, and to build bridges rather than burn them.
However, according to Kim Quek ( left ), author of the banned book ‘The March to Putrajaya’, Umno will not change.
“The Umno today is a totally different political animal from the Umno at Merdeka (Independence). Then it was a movement to protect and advance the interests of Malays. Today it is to preserve the power and wealth of the leaders and their cronies,” he opines. “This Umno culture of greed flowered under Mahathir, continued under Abdullah Badawi, and now looks set to perpetuate under Najib.”
(A digital copy of his book can be downloaded here .)
Kim Quek concludes by saying: “In other words, how can they have the cake and eat it? Answer: just give the impression of change, but not actually changing.”
Umno has to prove that Kim Quek is wrong by showing that it is remorseful of things that they have done wrong and willing to make amendments to their ways. But, will Umno have the political will to do so?
Otherwise, as one survey by Universiti Malaya’s Centre for Democracy and Elections (UMcedel) suggests that in Selangor, while the support for Pakatan Rakyat has hit 43 percent, Barisan Nasional has only 20 percent support from Selangorians.
The next Umno general assembly in November is something to watch.
Part I: Anwar's jailing will spell Umno's own doom
Part II: Most Malaysians fed-up with the religious card
Part III: Racial politics since 'Dilema Melayu'
Part IV: Graft and abuse of funds are Malaysia’s bane
STEPHEN NG is an ordinary citizen with an avid interest in following political developments in the country since 2008.


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