The year was 1964 and I was at the Esplanade, Penang, with hundreds of others as the air thrummed with anticipation.

It was election time and excitement was running high because the star of that political rally that evening was the very controversial Singaporean Chief Minister and leader of the People Action Party (PAP) Lee Kuan Yew: the redoubtable fighter of British colonists and the communists.

That historic event has firmly etched itself in my mind for it was the first such happening that I attended as a 20- year- old; making me feel all grown up. And, it was the maiden foray for the PAP in a general election in the newly formed country called Malaysia.

As Lee's white clad figure approached the mike, there was a roar; the same roar split the air every time he scored a point against the then ruling coalition, the Alliance, the predecessor to the Barisan Nasional.

Speaking English and Mandarin with relaxed oratorical skill, he played the crowd like a musician with a combination of wit, humour and sarcasm.

The irony of this rally, in hindsight, was that it was being held, as like many others throughout the country in the midst of the Indonesia's Konfrantasi war against us; unlike these days of peace and racial harmony when they are confined to closed quarters.

Change was a'coming

Also at the same time the country, together with the Commonwealth forces, was contending with the communist insurgency.

Little did I know in 1964 that five years later I would report on a general election so pivotal it would change the political culture of the country so drastically that a vital component that gives life to the democratic process, the public rally, would be no more; and racial gulf widened.

I was with the Malay Mail , and it was an extraordinary time, for in most urban centres there was a palpable feeling that change was a'coming. It was so thick you could almost rub it between your thumb and forefinger.

The Gerakan Party had been formed boasting the membership of such luminaries like Prof Syed Hussein Alatas who was president and Dr Lim Chong Eu (now Tun) and a fair number of well-known union leaders, among others. It was born in a general atmosphere that reeked of resentment, particularly among the non-Malays and some sections of the Malay community, against the government over the course that the country was taking.

The rallies were held at places like the Suleiman Court, a narrow square opposite the Odeon Cinema, and the then Tamil Physcial Culture Association Stadium in Kampung Baru, among others. At that time, too, the opposition had no access to the official media which was devoted solely to pumping out government propaganda.

Rallies made a difference; the opposition organized ones were drawing larger crowds than the Alliance's. Those days' politicians indulged in the sort of robust language, short of questioning the legitimacy of one's birth that could lead the way to the courts now.

The DAP, a splinter of the PAP, was gathering strength in Selangor as was the Gerakan. However, Gerakan had greater magnetic pull in Penang. Penangites took the party to heart as it was considered homegrown with their anak Pulau Pinang (child of Penang) Dr Lim a founder-member as well as a top leader of the party. So it was no surprise that the party was generating great excitement there.

As soon as I had a few days off, I hightailed it to my home state to check out the situation there.

I visited the Esplanade first where an Alliance rally was scheduled. A stage there was populated by a few forlorn faces. The Information Department was screening a movie for the benefit of a pathetic sprinkling of the curious and staunch Alliance supporters.

In contrast, some distance away at Padang Brown in Datuk Keramat, there was a sea of people enjoying a live Gerakan show. Dr Lim was seated in the centre flanked by his lieutenants.

One party man was working up the crowd to excellent effect. He rolled out a small banner bearing the total revenue earned by the country at that time. Then out came a bigger banner. This time the number was of the huge national debt. The crowd went wild.

Watching Gerakan

They clapped and hooted loudly when another speaker said: "When election time nears, you can see all the ministers coming out, opening this and opening that. Even if you invite them to open a jamban, (toilet) they'll be only too eager come."

A remarkable sight that captured the mood of the state was of schoolchildren volunteers plastering Gerakan posters all over George Town. They were also having a jolly good time cycling around shouting: "Vote for Gerakan. Vote for Gerakan."

This was a phenomenon never witnessed before and, the way the crowds were responding was clear indication that the Alliance controlled state government was in distinct danger of being swamped by the Gerakan.

When I returned to KL, my prognosis for Penang was laughed down by my colleagues.Polling day came and the full strength of reporters was deployed.

Hours later most had returned to file their stories while the late shift left for the counting centres to phone back the results. Nobody left for home that day.

The first result to come in was for a state seat in Cameron Highlands. The winner was the Gerakan, a precursor of to things to come.

Monday May 12 dawned, and the last results were that of the prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. He had won with a reduced majority.

A cudgel to beat

The Gerakan had captured Penang and Selangor had a hung state assembly; the Alliance faced the unpleasant necessity of forming a coalition government with the DAP and the Gerakan. The Federal Government was still intact but with reduced majority.

The following day racial riots erupted. And the National Operations Council rule was imposed.

For decades after that the riots become a cudgel to beat to down any attempt for open and frank discussions on race relations, or questioning special privileges.

With the barbarians at the gates, the taboo on those topics is being lifted very gingerly.

Ponder on the opening of the civil service doors to non-bumiputras and those at the MARA colleges. Hard reality can work miracles for those willing to face it.

The government has so effectively brainwashed itself that it fears the public rally as something evil that would undermine its authority: a vote of no confidence in the people in fact.

Actually it's an effective means to talk directly to the public; making them feel personal involvement in the democratic process, aside from being part of political education.

About the 1964 polls, the PAP was sent packing back to Singapore, managing to grab only one parliamentary seat, that of Damansara.

K SUGU began his journalistic career in 1964 and has worked in the New Straits Times , The Star and The Sun . He became a Buddhist monk in 1981 and had his first taste of press freedom when he worked in Bangkok for The Nation . He is now retired and spends his time writing and trying to get a handle on the fleeting nature of life. His 'Ricochet' column appears in malaysiakini .