The much-awaited announcement on the role and make-up of the royal commission to overhaul the police force is a big let down to the people of this country.

Neither the terms of reference nor the membership of this commission has in the least reflected the urgent sentiments and serious intentions expressed by Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi when he first announced his decision to set up a royal commission to restore credibility and efficiency to the police force a month ago.

Abdullah's announcement then was hailed as timely and appropriate, as the nation was gripped in fear and anger over the fast deterioration of law and order as demonstrated by a heightened wave of high profile crimes as well as the pervasive increase of lawlessness all over the country. The ensuing outpouring of public complaints overwhelmingly pointed to rampant corruption and gross inefficiency in the police force as the culprit.

Abdullah was therefore roundly applauded when he courageously admitted police malaise had reached crisis proportions and called on the police to "change their mindset and values, improve their service and adopt zero tolerance towards graft".

Public expectations were high indeed, and all were hoping that Abdullah could really deliver the goods this time, and rid a prime scourge of the people.

But what a disappointment from the announcement on this royal commission!

Instead of zeroing on the crux of the matter, which is rampant corruption, abuse of power, poor discipline, low morale and dedication, we see the authorities beating around the bush with general issues that sound more like an academic exercise. It is akin to an advance cancer patient being given a general check-up instead of cancer specific tests with a view to perform cancer-removing surgery or therapy.

We don't need the commission to tell us about the "role and responsibility" of police. Nor do we need to prioritise the study of organisation structure, human resources development or work ethics and procedure as prime objects of this commission. What we need to know is how widespread and how deep is police corruption and abuse of power, and the true state of indiscipline and apathy. We also need to know how these afflictions can be remedied.

It is only after the ills are dissected and diagnosed that study on subjects such as organisation structure, human resources development or work ethics could become relevant, for purpose of devising remedies.

Unfortunately, not a word on corruption and abuse of power is found in the terms of reference - the he urgent nature of these maladies, after all, is what prompted the prime minister to set up the commission in the first place. So why is it left out now? Without setting up the target, can we expect the marksmen to hit anything meaningful?

Equally frustrating is the composition of this obviously oversized commission (16 members). The membership is heavily pro-establishment or pro-ruling party with minor exceptions such as Salleh Abas (former lord president) and Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim (Transparency International

Malaysia president), and most of them have their wealth and prestigious positions in society beholden to the ruling party.

Conspicuously absent are any of those who have consistently displayed the courage to criticise the establishment for violating the constitution and human rights. People such as Raja Aziz Addruse (senior lawyer), Param Cumaraswamy (former UN special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers), Lim Kit Siang (DAP leader), Ramdas Tikamdas (Hakam president) and P Ramakrishnan (Aliran president).

Not helping the image of the commission is the appointment of former chief justice Mohamed Dzaiddin Abdullah as chairperson, whose eminent record as a reformer was regrettably destroyed towards the end of his term when his judicial courage crumbled in his judgment to reject Anwar's final appeal against corruption charges in July 2002. Apart from receiving universal condemnation for this naked travesty of justice, Dzaiddin rightly earned Anwar's famous rebuke as "the chief justice who has fallen into the pit of infamy".

A royal commission eminently lacking in moral courage and independence and critically blurred by diffused non-targets cannot be expected to fulfill its mission. More so when the task is to cleanse a police force of deep-seated corruption and abuse of power entrenched over two decades of corrupt autocratic rule.

Common to all corrupt autocracies, the police takes on a life larger than its constitutional size and is usually fearless of disciplinary action from the political masters, due to mutual complicity in extra-constitutional activities and mutual dependence for survival. Hence, for such a police royal commission to succeed, its members must have high moral courage and impeccable integrity, and on top of that, the commission must be backed by a strong and incorruptible political leadership. Sadly, we are lacking in both.

Further signifying the lack of serious intent is the bloated nature of the commission, with many members being appointed for obvious symbolic and ornamental reasons. This cumbersome body will lack the agility and fitness to meet as frequently or reach the right consensus as swiftly as it should. We therefore foresee only cosmetic surgery, not decisive incision to remove the malignancy.

That the commission under such circumstances will achieve far below the people's expectations is a foregone conclusion.

The present appointment of this royal commission is the clearest signal to date as to what extent Abdullah could be expected to deliver his many lofty promises of reforms for this country. And the picture is not pretty.

It should also be an eye-opener to those who cherish the wish of seeing Abdullah's promises come true, and who heartily advocate full support for him, which in this election time, means a vote for his ruling party. To these people, the stark contrast between hopes and realities should strike home.

No one should doubt Abdullah's sincerity to stop the rot of the Mahathir era. His utterances on economic and political reforms and racial and religious tolerance deserve the support and encouragement of all Malaysians.

While we applaud the correctness of his propositions and policies, we must at the same time temper our exultation with realistic appraisal of the limitations of his ability to realise these ideals. As far as one's eyes can see, he is doing a one-man show. Below him is a hierarchy built up with government largesse handed out by his predecessor through dubious practices one way or another over a period long enough to stretch a full generation.

Thus, money politics has become synonymous with the ruling party, and corruption has seeped right across the entire government administration, breeding a decadent culture of immorality and mediocrity, which is the root cause of the many ills plaguing this country now.

Facing such realities, all Malaysians must now seriously ask the question: Is a thoroughly corrupt ruling party capable of achieving salvation through self-generated reforms? If not, how can such a corrupt party be expected to clean up a corrupt administration?

I think the answer is obvious. And pragmatism dictates that, while approving and supporting Abdullah's calls for reforms, we must at the same time be unrelenting in building up political forces outside his ruling party to ensure that the desired reforms are carried out.

History has shown that no corrupt autocracy has succeeded in turning over a new leaf by itself, except through intense interferences and pressures from opposing camps. Alternatively, where corruption has gone beyond redemption, only a regime change can bring about the necessary reforms.