The latest conundrum to hit PKR on whether to negotiate with PAS might be able to be resolved by reorganising the ‘structural model’ that Pakatan Harapan is adopting.

This conundrum is similar to the infamous Kajang move and the Selangor menteri besar debacle. In the aftermath of that historic event, I pointed out that the consensus model adopted by Pakatan Rakyat has its limits when there is no consensus.

In that article, I suggested a “division of state and federal power” mechanism that Pakatan could have adopted to avoid future ‘non-consensus’ situations from stifling the daily functioning of the coalition.

The current issue of whether to negotiate with PAS seems to be a tussle between principled and pragmatic stances by various factions within PKR.

In reality, it is common that within any political party or coalition, there are all sorts of characters who sign up for a multitude of reasons and bear a multitude of ideologies. The success of that coalition then hinges on a good working mechanism that can quickly and effectively settle differences in an event of a split view. If the differences are settled quickly, then the coalition is seen as functional and effective by the electorate.

Rafizi Ramli has rightly suggested that a special PKR congress is required to settle the PAS negotiation score once and for all. If this congress concludes that negotiations with PAS must cease, then hopefully the pro-negotiation camp can bury their hatchets and move ahead with the goals of the Harapan coalition.

However, if the conclusion of the special congress is to continue negotiations until the last minute before GE14, then this conundrum will pose a niggling operational problem for the Harapan consensus model.

If the latter scenario is to emerge out of the PKR special congress, then I would suggest Harapan should look into the idea of the ‘division of state and federal power model’, or else it will end up as another rerun of other messy non-consensus situations, like the Kajang move and the Selangor menteri besar debacle.

The pro-negotiation camp in PKR should suggest a ‘division of federal and state power’ model to be adopted by Harapan so that it can be tried in its application to all the states of Malaysia. If that modus operandi is to be adopted, and the formula is strictly adhered to, then there is a possible mechanism to prevent future non-consensus situations when other non-consensus issues do arise.

The fact that the current Selangor state government is still operating with PAS assemblypersons in the state indicates that they want some sort of autonomy on state matters. Harapan should learn from the past failures of the previous Pakatan coalition, especially with that dysfunctional consensus model that has created a dent in their history.

We have to note that the current surge of enthusiasm and energy in Harapan is very much Peninsula-based. East Malaysian opposition forces have always been left in the cold in any grand scheme.

The ‘division of federal and state power’ model should be tried to see if it is operable for the whole of Malaysia. If that model satisfies the appetite of East Malaysian opposition forces, then we can hopefully find the right combination to unlock the key to Putrajaya.