YOURSAY | 'What has taken 60 years to entrench cannot be dismantled in one term.'

The only Malay opposition

BuatApa?: It's called the thin edge of the sword, Malaysiakini columnist S Thayaparan. And thank you for this excellent analysis.

I think you're right: the battle royale is chiefly within the Malay elements in the opposition and within the Harapan regime, both on the one hand trying to milk dry the current situation to drive a new Malay narrative, while on the other hand, trying to maintain the old one for fear that with "multiracialism" (on paper), Pakatan Harapan might just screw things up with its policies that do not enshrine the rights of the Malays and protect them to the hilt, despite the mumbo-jumbo of a dawning of a Malaysia Baru.

You're right in singling out Bersatu and its political moves (now and in the future) that will determine the extent to which it - and Harapan in totality - can be seen as one that has policies that tag utilitarianism and egalitarianism.

Because, surely even a revamped Umno, and certainly the diehard Islamist-fascist PAS, would not let this go that far. So I think utilitarianism and egalitarianism do not stand a hope in hell of working in racist-grooved Malaysia.

The idea is all very cosy for those who are desperate to believe in Harapan or in Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad alone, but the realities of Malaysian politics and the economy are two very different beasts - thanks to the halcyon days of the hugely bastardised New Economic Policy (NEP) and its racist ploys.

Two things by which Malaysians live - racism and money - are profoundly embedded in the Malaysian psyche. Breaking this mould will be interesting.

Will this be left to Mahathir, a renowned racist himself, or to PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, who has been eagerly kowtowing to the monarchs to keep the ‘ketuanan’ ideology in play?

Anonymous_12345007: There is no need to beat around the bush, Thayaparan. Nobody in Malaysia believes that the politics of race and religion are going to disappear due to Harapan's victory. What has taken 60 years to entrench cannot be dismantled in one term.

Indeed, it may take a decade just to loosen racial policies and tone down religious bigotry. The non-Malays know that maintaining the status quo is essential for stability and are not pushing for rapid change, except for one foolish Hindraf leader demanding that Mara opens its doors to all races.

Nevertheless, a lot of unwritten racial policies implemented by bureaucrats will quietly go, which should satisfy the minorities.

But what 'Malay opposition' are you talking about when the Harapan government is still majority Malay and will take care of the Malays?

Umno has lost its narrative of "protecting Malay rights" and Harapan will not give it fodder to rejuvenate its lost narrative. Harapan does not deny that race, religion and the Malay rulers are still the defining elements of Malayness, but is under no pressure from the minorities to change the status quo.

The foolish Hindraf leader's demands gained no support because the rest of civil society knows better than to give a boost to Umno. Hence your worries that Harapan will be under attack from a 'Malay opposition' led by Umno sees ghosts in the shadows when there are none.

David Dass: Perhaps there is a simpler way at looking at things. The ideal situation for non-Malays and some Malays is an end to race-based politics and race-based policies and a halt to the kind of Islam that is marching steadily towards an Islamic state.

Non-Malays accept that aid and assistance will be given to the Malay poor. They just want the non-Malay poor to be looked after as well. It is no longer acceptable to say to the non-Malay poor: Wait, we have to look after the Malay poor first because of Article 153 or the NEP, or some vague social contract.

No interpretation of Article 153 leads to that conclusion and the NEP does not say that either. The NEP was meant to look after all the poor. As for the "social contract", someone just cooked that up. Whatever social contract there is, is in the constitution.

As for Islam, the non-Malays have no issue with Article 3 and accept that Islam is the religion of the federation. But there are two provisions that must never be forgotten: freedom of worship and equality of all citizens. These are fundamental liberties.

Umno, PAS and the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (Jakim) cannot take us along the path of hudud and an Islamic state. Our rights devolve from the constitution. That is the supreme law, and whatever law or policy that violates the constitution is void and of no effect whatsoever.

Recent Federal Court decisions have spoken of the constitutional scheme. In India, it is referred to as the underlying or basic structure of the constitution. This simply means that there is a scheme or basic structure in the constitution that cannot be altered through an amendment by Parliament.

Key features to that scheme would be fundamental liberties, the independence, power and authority of the judiciary and the democratic structure of our government.

So PAS cannot implement its Islamic state agenda. The scheme is immutable. Harapan has said that it would review Jakim. Harapan's idea is to limit the very intrusive actions against Muslims. It was Mahathir who set up Jakim. But the huge budget has given Jakim ideas beyond the original purpose.

It really does not matter whether you keep Umno as a race-based party or not. Harapan will not be interfering with Malay rights and privileges. It will not be interfering with Islam. It will not go the PAS way. No one can go the PAS way - not even PAS.

Harapan has said that all contracts are to be awarded on the basis of open tender - a whole legion of intermediaries and connectors will now be out of play. The money saved by this system and through the plugging of leakages can be used to look after everybody. The poor and those with low fixed incomes will derive the most benefit.

Umno would have no choice but also pursue the moderate path. The non-Malay vote is still significant. And the Malay vote is not Umno's as a right. Unless their policies are moderate and inclusive, neither MCA nor MIC can survive.

The Sabah and Sarawak seats are no longer 'fixed deposits'.  So BN, as a coalition, will not survive. Umno by itself can never form the government. Umno, without a vision for the future of this multiracial and multireligious country, will cease to exist.

Just to be in the opposition for opposition sake is a waste of time.

Vgeorgemy: It will take at least two terms of the Dewan Rakyat for Umno to find its foot firm again in Malaysian politics. This is due to the matter of Umno's properties and finance.

Whoever is the Umno president has to streamline the income-earning capacity of Umno's properties, as most of them had been built around the easy availability of loans from the banks and rentals above the market rates from the taxpayer-funded institutions, which will create substantial stress if the maverick-led Harapan decides to pull the plug. So Umno's problems are not over yet.

PAS will have to prove its mettle in Kelantan and Terengganu if it wants to continue to exert its influence in the developmental politics of the West Coast, as PAS will find it very difficult to extend its power beyond the 30 percent of traditional voters if Amanah-led ministries such as defence, health and agriculture implement the necessary reformation they said they would carry out.

For Harapan. the fight for Peninsular Malay voters is not yet over.

Ultimately: Ironically, in the past, Umno could claim to 'defend the Malays' by using bogeymen like 'Chinese chauvinist' DAP. So, without a Chinese chauvinist party like MCA in existence, there is nothing left for Umno to defend the Malays from.

So we should leave Umno to run after its windmills. I doubt the Malays will run after them.

Plus, now that there is no more gravy train for Umno, there is little impetus for Umnoputras, except to fight over whatever loot the party had amassed prior to this.

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