As he was queuing to register for asylum at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office in Kuala Lumpur, Ishak (not his real name), had only good things to say about the police here.

As he risked life and limb to make his way across the Malacca Straits on a rickety sampan two months ago, he encountered police officers who were mostly sympathetic to the plight of asylum seekers.

"The police are good here. They really are - unlike those back home," he nodded. "They just tell me not to get into fights while I am here," said the 35-year-old refugee when met.

One week later, his assessment would be put to the test.

On Aug 19, the police arrested more than 200 Acehnese, including women and children, outside the UNHCR office. Fifty more asylum seekers were nabbed the following week.

The sudden vigilance of the police caught the UNHCR off guard. Only a short time earlier, the police agreed to allow the agency to register asylum seekers on the condition that the matter was kept out of the media.

Another hint of an ease-up came with the recent release of a group of refugees from detention pending resettlement abroad.

But any illusions that the Malaysian government may be adopting a more accepting stance towards refugees was put to rest by the mass arrests.

Brickfields police chief Zulhasnan Najib Baharuddin, who oversaw the operation, justified the move by pointing to the need for the police to protect the country from "threats or crimes".

Conflicting remarks

Attempts by the press to seek reasons for the arrests brought about conflicting remarks from senior government leaders.

Two days after the arrests, Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said the government may grant the asylum seekers temporary stay.

However, Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar later insisted that the Acehnese would be treated like other illegal immigrants.

Very likely, the apparent indecisive approach by Malaysian leaders stem from the dilemma in which they find themselves now that the war in Aceh shows no sign of ending.

As the government constantly points out, any policy to allow Acehnese refugees may spark an influx from the province as well as attract immigrants from other parts of Indonesia in the guise of asylum seekers.

That aside, any plan to admit Acehnese civilians could also risk infiltration by rebels from the Free Aceh Movement (Gam). This may complicate bilateral relations with Indonesia.

Kuala Lumpur was already put in a tight spot in July when Gam spokesperson Sofyan Daud claimed to have travelled to Malaysia from Jakarta.

Although this was not proven, Malaysian and Indonesian authorities know that it is impossible to closely monitor all entry points into the country.

These things considered, Malaysia should still not turn away civilians who have genuinely fled fighting in their home province.

After all, outsiders should now be familiar with reports of village purges and killings of suspected rebels or informers by groups on both sides of the conflict.

Clear policy

As a country which had vocally opposed armed conflict because of civilian casualties, it is perhaps time for Malaysia to assume international responsibilities for asylum seekers and refugees by taking concrete action, and not merely reprimanding others from afar.

Malaysia had welcomed refugees from Bosnia, Afghanistan and Iraq during periods of instability in these countries, therefore the same hospitality should be extended to genuine asylum seekers from neighbouring countries.

One way of dealing with asylum seekers would be for government agencies to cooperate with international organisations such as the UNHCR to register and keep track of the numbers entering the country.

With such a policy, it would be easier for the government or interest groups to ensure that they have access to basic necessities.

At the moment, each enforcement agency operates largely on its own discretion. Arrests have been carried out intermittently depending on external circumstances, such as pressure from Indonesia in the recent case.

In other incidences, agencies operate inconsistently with each other. The police may arrest asylum seekers as illegal immigrants, but the Attorney-General's Chambers too had made decisions against prosecuting some individuals.

As a result of this inconsistent approach, immigration camps throughout the country which were shut down following the implementation of strict new immigration laws (allowing for the jailing and whipping of illegals) had to reopen to accommodate individuals who cannot be deported for humanitarian reasons.

Even if the authorities were to insist on keeping the asylum seekers in detention, they should at the very least ensure that immigration detention camps are managed transparently.

Independent monitoring by non-government organisations and migrant rights groups should be allowed to prevent abuse and ill-treatment by camp authorities, a common allegation by inmates.

Furthermore, the government should not wash its hands off the plight of asylum seekers by referring to their decision to volunteer for deportation.

According to UNHCR refugee eligibility officer Evan Ruth, these requests cannot be interpreted as signifying that the threat against these people were not real since their decision was made under duress.

Faced with indefinite incarceration under appalling conditions, it is not inconceivable that many may prefer another attempt at a surreptitious straits crossing and registration with the UNHCR.

Worsening conflicts

What the government should realise by now is that a clear and consistent policy must be adopted to deal with the rising flow of asylum seekers due to worsening conflicts in neighbouring countries.

The political mess in Burma which first started the outward migration of Burmese nationals to countries such as Thailand and Malaysia remains unresolved three years after the start of talks initiated by the United Nations.

In addition, anti-separatist wars carried out by the Indonesian government in Aceh and the Philippines government against the southern Moro separatists respectively also show no signs of abating.

There is a way out - and that is for Malaysia to actively push for peace and reconciliation between rival groups in neighbouring countries.

But until it is willing to actively mediate for peace, the country risks international revulsion for its less than compassionate dealings with asylum seekers.