Mahathirism shines on

One week from today will mark the 10th anniversary of the end of Mahathir Mohamad’s long and authoritarian rule. While the man did during his premiership bring much development to the nation and change the country’s profile beyond recognition, the dark sides of his administration - sustained by excessive and arbitrary powers - continues to plague Malaysia.

Mahathir began his extraordinary political career as a man for the commoners, often writing and speaking critically of British colonials, Malay aristocrats and ruling elites. His ostensibly egalitarian appeal won him much support within Umno at a time when the rank and file of the Malay party were becoming disillusioned with the elitist, aloof leadership.

His popularity soared to new heights after he adopted a more chauvinistic, almost racist, stance vis-a-vis the non-Malays, in the form of a book entitled The Malay Dilemma. The late Abdul Razak Hussein, having edged out the Tunku in the aftermath of the May 13 tragedy, saw fit to bring Mahathir back in Umno in 1973 in order to consolidate his own position.

Once in the cabinet, Mahathir ditched his ‘progressive’ image and started to put a tight grip on  student activism and other social movements. He rose perhaps quickest in Umno’s history to become prime minister in 1981.

As Mariam Mokhtar, my fellow columnist, has rightly argued, the original Umno was founded to champion the cause of the downtrodden and poor Malays, but it died with the political crisis in 1988 when Umno was found by a brave Justice Harun Hashim to be an ‘unlawful society’ under the Societies Act 1966.

The subsequent Umno Baru has now been proven to be a completely new species, with all the hallmarks of Mahathirism: rampant corruption, cronyism, arrogance, chauvinism and political oppression, dismantling Malaysia’s once proud and independent judiciary along the way.

Mahathir also triggered one crisis after another, the severest being the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim in 1998 on the flimsy charges of abuse of power and sodomy. Obviously, he could not find solid evidence of corruption to finish off Anwar as he did with other political opponents or even partners.

To ensure Anwar remain in jail, Mahathir turned both the already emasculated judiciary and the police into his political instruments as never before. In return for their loyalty, he turned a blind eye to the pervasive corruption within these two public institutions.

Hence, the VK Lingam tape scandal did not happen for no reason, although the man who relishes in chastising the Malays for being forgetful (Melayu mudah lupa) suddenly found himself suffering from selective amnesia at the royal commission of inquiry in 2008.

While Mahathir argues Malaysia experienced less street crime when he was prime minister, the fact is criminal activities were under-reported or even covered up by a docile press towards the latter part of his tenure.

The rapid and haphazard urbanisation - at the expense of agriculture - forced many young Malays to look for jobs in the cities, while Indian youths in the estates had their livelihoods uprooted when developers took over the plantations in the name of development. All this has contributed to the sharp rise in social crime when jobs become scarce or when a lack of qualifications becomes a hurdle.

Die-hard adherent of economic neoliberalism

Ironically, the man who had once aspired to save the underclass from exploitation in the 1960s mutated to become a die-hard adherent of economic neoliberalism although, strictly speaking, Mahathir is of no fixed abode when it comes to political ideology.

It is indeed true that Malaysia now boasts world-class highways, airports, seaports and the world-famous Twin Towers, but the picture is not complete without taking stock of the massive costs that went into them. After all, it was Mahathir who goaded Umno to the path of extremism and intolerance, resulting in endless abuses of power and corruption.

No matter how much he pours scorn at Lee Kuan Yew and Lim Kit Siang over dynastic politics, Mahathir is no different from either of them. Contrary to what he had promised at ‘retirement’, he has always harboured the hope of exerting political influence from behind the scenes. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, with the help of his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin, did a ‘splendid’ job of sidelining Mahathir, for which he eventually had to pay a heavy price.

Since Najib Abdul Razak came to power in 2009, Mahathir has been playing a role far bigger than just as a former prime minister. Although his ambition of being a ‘backseat driver’ may have been checked for now as his son Mukhriz failed to win an Umno vice-presidency, one must not underestimate the scale of the havoc that a bitter Mahathir can wreak on the party!

Mukhriz, of course, would not have come thus far if not for his father's name, but he is exemplary of the dearth of talent in Umno, another sign of Mahathirism. But the ‘non-rising’ son is just one among the many.

I remember vividly how profusely Hishammuddin Hussein sang praises of Mahathir as being “the most energetic and inspiring leader worthy of emulation” at a Promuda event in 2003, just days before Mahathir was to step down.

The shameless flattery prompted one Praba Ganesan (latterly Parti Keadilan Rakyat social media strategist) to stand up and express his horror that the then Umno youth chief did not count his own grandfather - the moderate Onn Jaafar - as a role model!

Now, juxtapose this to the way Hishammuddin rebuked Mahathir over the latter’s displeasure at the result of Umno elections earlier this week, and one can clearly see how a mediocre minister changes his allegiance according to who is best to save his own skin.

Another such example is none other than Ling Liong Sik, once Mahathir’s right-hand man in Barisan Nasional whose ministerial career spanned over 17 years despite his glaring lack of competence. He has just been acquitted of cheating over the Port Klang Free Zone scandal, but the verdict only confirms once again the collusion of business and politics remains alive and kicking even 10 years after Mahathir officially left the stage.

The court decision is also an expected outcome as a guilty verdict would have serious implications for Mahathir and other ministers at the time.

Mahathir may have vacated Seri Perdana exactly a decade ago, but the damage that he has done continues to haunt the country. Worse, Umno under Najib’s leadership will likely carry on with political patronage and consolidate his position with more lucrative contracts and posts in order to fend off any onslaught from the vengeful man.

It is not at all exaggerating to say that, so long as Umno remains in power, Mahathirism will survive even long after its architect is six feet under.

JOSH HONG studied politics at London Metropolitan University and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. A keen watcher of domestic and international politics, he longs for a day when Malaysians will learn and master the art of self-mockery, and enjoy life to the full in spite of politicians.