The Asian financial crisis and the war on terrorism has had serious implications for the security of women in Asia. Immigration and security policies reflect only the state's concerns with law and order, and ignore the rights and dignity of the victims of trafficking and smuggling.

Trafficking is a very serious case of human insecurity caused by multiple discrimination experienced by minority women and children in Asia and elsewhere .

The situation is further exacerbated by poverty caused by the neo-liberal global market, especially in the service industry that today has a female face. Women from poorer, developing countries are exploited in the sex market of rich countries.

There is a very close relationship between sex trade and militarisation. In Korea, the ties began during the Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945) and continued through the US military bases, which were there to protect but not to practise democracy.

The operation of the Rest and Recreation Facilities of the US military bases is the cause of gender exploitation and violence against Korean and non-Korean trafficked women, whose number increase as an effect of globalisation.

This became evident when the women's movement very assertively raised the issue of 'comfort womens or military sex slaves organised by the Japanese government during World War II. The Japanese have admitted this form of slavery was practised.

And through the struggle of the comfort women especially from Korea and the Philippines, this form of sex slavery is recognised as a war crime today. The Vietnam war saw the same development. At the end of the war, Saigon had 500,000 prostituted women - equal to the population of Saigon before the war.

To most of the world, the issue of American military tenure in the Philippines receded when the Philippine congress refused to renew its military base agreement with the US in 1991. Yet, only seven years later, a Visiting Forces Agreement was signed that allowed US military personnel access to 22 ports and bases.

It was a return to the abuses that women's rights activists had long struggled against: the conscription of young girls and women from poor families into prostitution; a growth in criminality, narcotics, and alcoholism in the communities near the bases; the trafficking of Filipinas and their global devaluation as low-paid workers and servile brides.

Worse problems

These deeply rooted problems, which scarcely have had time to abate during the 10-year hiatus in US military involvement in the Philippines, are now worsening under the return of American forces and the strengthening of the Philippine military's power with US assistance.

After Sept 11, 2001, when President George W Bush declared the Philippines America's "second front" in the war against terrorism, several thousand US troops were deployed to the country. This return of military forces has meant an increase in the domestic and cross-border sale of Filipinas.

For example, in Zamboanga City, where most military personnel are based, local rights activists estimate that 2,000 women are now caught up in prostitution, in contrast to almost none before the new round of deployment.

Estimates from the International Organisation of Migration indicate that over the past 18 months, the rate of recruitment for prostitution has risen six-fold, if the domestic transport of women is added to the trafficking of Filipinas to Okinawa and South Korea to serve US troops.

Zamboanga in Mindanao is the closest city to Sabah. How will the presence of the US military bases affect Malaysia and the women of Sabah? We already know that there is high level of trafficking of women through Sabah. In fact, it has become the transit point to bring women into Peninsular Malaysia, Singapore and Batam.

One major consequence of the tragic effect of the tsunami last December was the increased militarisation of Acheh to squash the resistance movement. Warning signals were put out on the possibility of increased trafficking in women and children. Similarly with the increased unrest in southern Thailand, there will be a military build up.

Lack of accountability

History has shown that increased militarisation only heightens the vulnerability of women to be trafficked and made into sex slaves for military personnel. How will the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) react to armed conflict, accompanying militarisation as justification to war on terrorism?

But the bigger challenge will be whether the NAM as a movement will fight against the status of impunity of American military personnel.

A clause in the Visiting Forces Agreement makes it impossible to hold US troops accountable to a foreign country for crimes committed on its soil, including violence against women.

In 2003, the US also required and received assurances from 43 nations, including the Philippines, that its military personnel were exempt from prosecution under the International Criminal Court, which has recognised sexual abuse, forced prostitution, and rape as war crimes.

In response to this setback, GABRIELA, the Philippine women's national coalition, organised a campaign to pressure Filipino politicians to renegotiate the agreement, arguing, in explicit human rights language, that the exemption invites violence against women while leaving them without the right to redress grievances, due process, or equal protection.

Will NAM participants question the US troops' lack of accountability for abuses against women; the Philippine government's tolerance of its own military's transgressions and the deafening silence of Asean nations?

While the women's movement opposes government policies of allowing sexual access to Filipinas in exchange for US foreign financial and military, will NAM be bold to challenge the US government that paradoxically, fights trafficking in women and children with vigour?

IRENE FERNANDEZ is director of migrant labour advocacy group Tenaganita.