Today Americans like myself celebrate on July 4, 229 years of freedom. We will celebrate the holiday in the usual diverse fashion - a family barbeque, a trip to the mall, a few hours in a movie theatre or at a baseball game, an evening of fireworks, or from abroad with friends.

Fortunately, we have the opportunity to enjoy the liberty our forefathers and foremothers fought for and defended in two world wars.

The sad fact, however, is that July 4 is no longer the same celebration it was years ago. Since 2001, the ideals of civil and political liberties that have been celebrated have been comprised in the name of security and insecurity, often undermining American credibility abroad and with an increasingly number of Americans at home.

Whether it is the ongoing fiasco in Iraq or the shocking reports of torture from Guantanamo prison, America is no longer seen as the genuine defender of freedom and its reputation has suffered considerably during the five-year tenure of the Bush administration.

The annual Pew Survey published last month shows that attitudes toward the US remain at a low point, with China having a more favorable view in Europe and deep concerns persisting in the Muslim world.

Even the word 'freedom', used so often by President George W Bush to defend policies not in line with the ideal, evokes a negative response.

Dark cloud of Sept 11

Attitudes toward the US illustrate the fog that mars the July 4 holiday. The dark cloud of Sept 11 continues to blur the true value of civil liberties, and has fostered policy initiatives and responses that perpetuate the deep mist of distrust and, in some cases, disdain.

It's time for the US to get out of the fog and revitalise the ideals that July 4 represents; America is at a critical crossroads if it hopes to have its citizens hold their heads high in the name of civil and political liberties.

The US involvement in Iraq remains the crucial issue. Bush's speech last Tuesday asked Americans to 'stay the course' and revealed how deeply the 'fog of freedom' has permeated the walls of the administration.

The loss of over a 1,000 American and countless Iraqi lives, outrageous defence spending of billions of dollars, budget deficit of, as yet unreported billions, that has jeopardised the US economy and continued attacks from Iraqis resistant to occupation has done little to change the Bush administration's self-righteous view that the invasion and occupation was 'correct' and should persist.

A majority of Americans now disagree, as does the international community, but are being held hostage by the US Congress that is unwilling to effectively challenge the Bush administration and offer an alternative for an exit strategy.

The US needs to show the world that it respects the freedom of independence of Iraqis and offer a genuinely multilateral strategy that will protect the rights and security of Iraqis. In short, it needs to move away from a mule-headed stubborn policies based on pride and recognise that ideals celebrated at home need to be genuinely fostered abroad. This cannot happen if the US occupies Iraq in its present form.

Endemic nationalism

A parallel issue, and an equally difficult one to address, is the endemic nationalism that shapes American views of the world. American flags will be out in force today, and these flags not only represent pride but also highlight a dangerous nationalistic worldview that alienates rather than wins friends.

Nationalism has been harnessed by the Bush administration to promote unilateral policies that have not won respect and underscored policy measures that promote American exceptionalism that reek of arrogance.

The Congress's recent bid to stop the sale of the Unocal oil company to China or the exclusion from international jurisdiction in the International Court in the Hague are only a few of the many measures that have fed into the view that Americans are opting for special treatment in the market economy and on human rights issues.

While Americans should take pride in their country and its ideals, the basic idea of equality of opportunity, etched in the American constitution, needs to be implemented in practice as the US embraces an appreciation of its place in an international community. Humility and multilateral engagement go a long way in making friends and making the world safer.

Changes in foreign policy are only part of the struggle for civil liberties ahead. With Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's retirement from the US Supreme Court this fall, the battle lines on issues of civil jurisprudence, the rights to privacy and speech will be drawn. The Christian right in the US will use her retirement to champion their agenda and ultimately may win a nominee that may move the increasingly conservative court in a more conservative direction.

The possible implications for the practice of basic civil rights are worrying. The judiciary has already made judgments lately that have chipped away at freedoms.

Time magazine's recent decision to provide information to the US government on a news source based on a legal ruling in the interests of national security - violating the tenant of the freedom of the press - signaled the growing conservatism.

While this press battle and the composition of the Supreme Court is far from over and will likely extend into next year, the contestation over civil liberties in America has become increasingly contentious, with basic freedoms being potentially compromised in the name of security. A more secure world is one where the world's power is not seen as hypocritical in the practice of its ideals.

Freedoms need to be relished and defended. July 4 reminds us of the necessity of an ardent defence. Criticism, engagement and support for initiatives within and outside the US that broaden freedoms are the main ingredients to evaporate the fog.

Dr BRIDGET WELSH is assistant professor in Southeast Asian studies at John Hopkins University-SAIS, Washington DC.