COMMENT | Asean must face real enablers of violence in Myanmar
Appreciation, in this context, is not just tone-deaf. It is disconnected from the brutal realities on the ground.
It’s time to stop issuing statements and start addressing the core problem: the Myanmar junta’s impunity is made possible by the military, financial, and diplomatic backing it receives from China, Russia, and India.
If Asean is serious about stopping the bloodshed, then its first move must be to...
COMMENT | Asean’s repeated calls for a ceasefire in Myanmar are beginning to ring hollow. In its latest statement, the bloc urged an end to violence against civilians and expressed “appreciation” for a temporary ceasefire even as 22 children were killed in Sagaing on May 12.
Appreciation, in this context, is not just tone-deaf. It is disconnected from the brutal realities on the ground.
It’s time to stop issuing statements and start addressing the core problem: the Myanmar junta’s impunity is made possible by the military, financial, and diplomatic backing it receives from China, Russia, and India.
If Asean is serious about stopping the bloodshed, then its first move must be to engage these three powers directly. Without their support, the junta would struggle to sustain its war machine.
China provides arms, infrastructure, and political cover. Russia supplies weapons and military training. India, while more cautious, has hedged its position and maintained security cooperation. These relationships must now become central to Asean’s diplomatic strategy.
Malaysia’s Foreign Minister, Mohamad Hasan, has said he is prepared to travel to Naypyidaw. But if that trip is to have any real value, it should be preceded by high-level engagements in Beijing, Moscow, and New Delhi. Asean needs to treat these governments not as bystanders, but as stakeholders in the crisis who must be held accountable for their support.
At the same time, Asean must broaden its internal strategy. The Myanmar military has deep ties with the Thai security establishment. Decades of joint operations, border coordination, and strategic alignment mean the Thai military is uniquely placed to influence its counterparts in Naypyidaw.
The Asean special envoy, Othman Hashim, must open a new track of engagement focused on these military-to-military relationships.
This platform should also include Indonesia and the Philippines, both of which have emerged from periods of military rule and now function under democratic systems. They bring not only moral authority but also lived experience of institutional transition. These countries can, together, offer a vision of reform that speaks to both the fears and ambitions of Myanmar’s officer class.
As a first, concrete step, Asean should convene a regional ceasefire monitoring mission made up of respected retired generals from Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines. These individuals would command credibility on the ground and within military circles: something no civilian envoy or international bureaucrat can achieve.
A ceasefire without monitoring is meaningless. This team could make it real.
Finally, Asean must stop cloaking inaction in the language of diplomacy. Every delay, every vague statement, allows the violence to continue.
When Malaysia speaks forcefully about the killing of children in Gaza, it does so with moral clarity. The same must apply to Myanmar. Children killed in Sagaing deserve no less outrage, no less urgency, no less action.
If Asean wants to remain relevant, it must stop managing the crisis and start confronting it. That means engaging the powers that hold influence. That means leveraging the region’s own military networks. And above all, it means moving beyond statements and taking responsibility.
CHARLES SANTIAGO is the former Klang MP.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of Malaysiakini.
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