Seeing it his way, columnist M Bakri Musa's choice of deputy for Abdullah Ahmad Badawi would be Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

Admittedly, 'Ku Li' holds high claims to leadership. In 1997, he came close to toppling Dr Mahathir Mohamad, falling short by just 43 votes.

It is widely speculated and believed that Najib Razak, who was said to privately support Ku Li, swung the crucial 43 votes in last minute in support of Mahathir.

Ku Li holds high claim because he fought fair and square through democratic process of elections to try to unseat Mahathir.

Many of us can respect that. He did not pledge loyalty openly and snipe and undermine from behind. That is basic integrity.

In handling the economy, he also holds high claims to expertise being architect of Umno's corporatisation.

It would be fair to say that he has the requisite credentials to fill the prime minister post given the fact that the country's line of prime ministers so far has proven capable and illustrious, and the direction of Malaysian economy is a key issue.

This notwithstanding, it is not given to him to make the call based on merits and capability alone. Other factors have to be taken into account.

First is tradition. How could Umno's vice presidents Muhyiddin Yassin, Muhammmad Muhd Taib and Najib be bypassed?

How could Ku Li - who formed Semangat 46 out of an Umno splinter, and later went back to Umno's fold - be given precedence over any of the other three? Besides, Ku Li was also the only one in Umno's history who broke tradition by openly contesting against the party leader and president whilst the rest hemmed and hawed, manoeuvered and sniped.

No matter how ungraceful Najib is seen to be - tradition is tradition and the feudal political culture of allegiance of being 'openly seen to be given' is still honoured as a relevant factor.

Second Pak Lah is entitled to take into account other considerations as to whom in his judgment will be most suitable to help build a coalition of political support and alliance necessary to neutralise potential challenges and buttress his own position.

Third, even Nik Aziz and PAS have a part to play. Ku Li was given the unpleasant and uphill task of winning back Kelantan in the last general election. He failed to do so and the only Parliament seat Umno secured was his own in Gua Musang.

Even that, it was rumoured that PAS had allowed Ku Li to win the seat for the sake of maintaining the party's relationship with the Kelantan Palace. Had events been otherwise, and Ku Li had wrest the state back, he would be in the running today.

The only way for Abdullah to justify Ku Li's appointment as deputy and perhaps new Kelantan Umno liaison chief Mustapa Mohamed (to whom Ku Li made way as a concession) as finance minister - is to say that this is a preemptive move to prepare for retaking of Kelantan in the next general election (whilst PAS is complacent and looking at Kedah and Perlis).

If one believes that economics and Malaysia's preparation for World Trade Organisation and liberalisation are the key issues of national leadership, then such a line-up by Abdullah is likely to be viewed positively by the business community and international investors. But will, and can, he put this consideration above others?

Lastly, we should dwell on the interesting question of loyalty, which is a crucial factor in the feudal culture of Malaysian politics.

Abdullah owes a debt of loyalty and gratitude to Mahathir for anointing him as successor. Mahathir owes a debt to Najib for the crucial 43 votes in the close shave of 1997. Abdullah is confronted with a poser: if he were obliged to Mahathir, who is in turn obliged to Najib, would Abdullah's obligation now accordingly be extended to Najib?

I assume that former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim and his freedom and political redemption is not a factor amongst the contenders because he being a credible threat, none would want him back.

So far, in spite of Mahathir's open hints that Najib is the most suitable deputy, Abdullah has kept silent. This is a good strategic move.

It is because he is perfectly entitled not to prematurely 'jump the boat' by appointing a deputy prime minister even before he gets to sit on the prime minister's chair.

By stalling, he could bargain and horse-trade with contenders for terms by which they will pledge their loyalties to him.

It does not however mean that he will not appoint Najib as deputy eventually, whatever his personal feelings and preferences may be. I will not be surprised if he eventually does.