opinion

'Those who forget history are condemned to repeat it'. This are the very words which philosopher George Santayana once said, when the world was descending into chaos and oblivion during World War I.

In the midst of the age of modernity, even as we proceed into the 21st century, nations of the world are still struggling with social, racial and economic instabilities.

Indonesia, through a sudden release and in effect a vacuum of leadership as a result of its 'reformasi' revolution, is fast plunging into a chaotic abyss. The nations of Africa are trying very hard to cope with economic doom and racial antagonism.

Sri Lanka, even by being an island of financial stability in South Asia, is faced with the nightmare of racial hatred. Northern Ireland with its Protestant versus Catholic dilemma, the mighty United States with the heavy prejudice that still exists 150 years after the civil war, the list goes on.

Our current Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamad has been an instrumental person and a strong and charismatic leader in bringing about a new age for Malaysia.

With a rapidly modernising economy now going up the next level of the Information Age, democratic freedoms never in existence before and a paradigm shift in its new understanding of inter-racial cooperation and harmony, Malaysia is definitely on the right path to developed-nation status.

'Malay ultra'

Dr Mahathir has earned a reputation for being a pragmatic and brave leader, as well as one of the most moderate Malay leaders this country has ever had. It is therefore very hard to believe that he was once what the opposition, especially the Chinese-dominated parties call a 'Malay ultra'.

He was fearless in demanding that equal opportunities be given to Malays for development and also for the preservation of Malay special rights in the face of the government onslaught. He also called for the government to help the poor Malay peasants.

As such, with this problem of Malay and non-Malay relationship existing since before independence, he wrote '

The Malay Dilemma ' in the year 1969, after the tragic May13 racial riots.

When he was writing the book, the government's pressure on the 'Malay ultras' was overwhelming, charging that they were playing up racial sentiments even though most of them were merely stating the facts that an unequal Malaysia does exist.

In his book, he did a thorough research on the actual cause of the extreme racial hatred that was rooted in Malaysia at that time. As such, there is a proper topology of events, ranging from heredity, economy to politics.

Much of this very profound yet easy-reading book is based on his own experiences, and he linked much of the Malay problems to examples of his childhood, growing up in the rice-bowl state of Kedah while it was a British colony.

He was repeatedly denied various job opportunities because of his race. He saw how poor the Malays were, ironically in a land once called Tanah Melayu.

In the economic sphere, the immigrant communities, namely the Chinese and Indians, dominated nearly the entire economy while the Malays were lagging behind in the kampungs . He also analysed the importance of preserving the Malay Rulers and the special Malay rights.

The Malay Dilemma could be one of the most influential Malaysian books in history. Not only has this book of Mahathir's well-researched policies about social and racial harmony influenced much of the framework of the New Economic Policy, an affirmative-action policy that has been in implementation for over 30 years, it has also changed much of the Malaysian mind-set over development and racial understanding, so much so that the Malaysians of today are vastly different than a generation ago.

Economic conflicts

This book isn't only about the welfare of the Malays, but about the roots of every major conflict on Earth. It isn't much on racial and religious differences but more on the economic differences, which could lead to enormous problems, pitting one group against another.

It doesn't necessarily have to be racial groups, it could be social classes or castes as in India. At the end, Dr. Mahathir argued, it all boils down to money, economic and job opportunities.

Adding that humans have had this prejudice since the beginning of time, the real problem has always masqueraded as a racial or religious conflict rather than an economic one, further disenfranchising the downtrodden and worsening the problem.

The Crusades were more of a conquest to wrest control of the profitable Silk Road rather than an evangelisation mission. The Germans and the richer Jewish minority were fighting for a long time because the Jews were the richer merchant class. Even the indigenous Fijians were angry because the minority ethnic Indians control much of the island's economy.

A very fascinating and educational book, it is the thoughts and beliefs of an educated, modern progressive Malay. Indeed it was rather controversial in the past, being banned by the then Tunku Abdul Rahman administration, that condemned it as 'racist'.

This book is an understanding by Dr Mahathir on the cause of the May 13 riots and the relationship between the Malays and the non-Malays, the Malays and the Sultans and the Malays and Islam.

It also contains an episode about the peculiar Singapore-Malaysia relationship, held together by strong racial, religious and most importantly, economic binds. A truly profound book and definitely not one-sided in its arguments, it is a rather brave book to boot; stating the problems matter-of-factly and dealing straight into the problem to solve - unlike some politicians of today and yesteryears.

Today, you can see the contents of this book in today's Malaysia, for its ideas are one of the pillars of modern Malaysia, and a foundation for future national harmony and prosperity.

RAYMOND WOO, a tertiary-level student, wrote the above book review a few years back, before the events of 1998. First published in www.straitstories.com.my, a literary online magazine, he decided to send it to malaysiakini in the light of today's political and ethnic milieu, for it somehow gave him, he says, 'a total sense of irony'.