Tamil schools — a tale of poverty, patronage and politics
The popular, if unspoken, perception of Tamil schools is an unfortunate one that conjures up images of gangsterism, criminal activity and social problems. These mental pictures can, to a large extent, be disputed as unfair stereotypes.
What is beyond dispute, though, is the toll taken of Tamil schools by decades of official neglect and the failure to provide adequate resources that could have arrested the general decline in performance of pupils over the years.
For some time now, questions have been raised as to the relevance of Tamil-language education. Critics of the system feel that the situation condemns Indian Malaysian children to a lifetime of low achievement and that Tamil schools should, therefore, be closed.
However, equally vocal proponents of the system demand a rational and multi-dimensional review of long-standing problems that reach right into the core of a forgotten community.
Their refusal to give up on Tamil-language education has as much to do with the cultural heritage as with a cry for attention to the community's dire socio-economic needs.
The popular, if unspoken, perception of Tamil schools is an unfortunate one that conjures up images of gangsterism, criminal activity and social problems. These mental pictures can, to a large extent, be disputed as unfair stereotypes.
What is beyond dispute, though, is the toll taken of Tamil schools by decades of official neglect and the failure to provide adequate resources that could have arrested the general decline in performance of pupils over the years.
For some time now, questions have been raised as to the relevance of Tamil-language education. Critics of the system feel that the situation condemns Indian Malaysian children to a lifetime of low achievement and that Tamil schools should, therefore, be closed.
However, equally vocal proponents of the system demand a rational and multi-dimensional review of long-standing problems that reach right into the core of a forgotten community.
Their refusal to give up on Tamil-language education has as much to do with the cultural heritage as with a cry for attention to the community's dire socio-economic needs.
Sanctuary for the poor
Lawyer S Pasupathi, who has been involved in the Tamil education movement for decades, makes the pertinent point that "those who advocate the closure of the schools think that once Tamil schools are gone, the problems will be gone too".
"If only the issue is that simple," he muses. "What they do not know is that Tamil schools are like a sanctuary for the poor."
Most of the students, having been taught to speak Tamil at home, are also confined to their immediate neighbourhood, he says. They cannot afford to acquire any knowledge or skills in other types of schools, which are mainly located in areas far away from their estate homes.
There certainly is more to Tamil schools and the way they operate than just a debate on education alone. For, entangled within the debate, are issues relating to the low socio-economic status of Indian Malaysians.
The community's strength is estimated at 1.8 million, or 8 percent of the population of 22 million. As a whole, Indian Malaysians control only 1.5 percent of corporate wealth.
About 300,000 of them (40 percent) work and live in estates, earning less than RM700 per household, according to a study in 2000 (latest available statistics) conducted by MIC's social arm, Yayasan Strategik Sosial (YSS).
Indeed, 44.9 percent of parents of Tamil school pupils count on less than RM500 or less a month, based on the findings of the same study.
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Little wonder then, that poverty is a key contributor to the misfortunes of the Tamil-language education system, accounting for everything from a high drop-out rate to the wretched physical state of schools.
Or, to describe the dilemma in human terms, many students in Tamil schools rely on their nutritional needs being met through the Rancangan Makanan Tambahan , a government-sponsored food programme for those from poor families.
Alienated and displaced youth
Where poverty exists, social problems tend to follow. And the statistics in Malaysia show that more Indian Malaysians have been involved in crime than any other ethnic grouping.
In 2000, police said an estimated 40 percent of serious crimes every year implicate Indian Malaysians, and revealed the existence of 38 Indian-based gangs with 1,500 active members.
Social activist S Arutchelvan acknowledges the facts, but retorts that the public have chosen to stereotype the community without bothering to find out the reasons behind problems. He says two factors have led to the disproportionate involvement of Indian Malaysians in criminal activities.
"When students finish their primary education in Tamil schools and enter national secondary schools, it is a very critical time for them. It may well be the first time they come into contact with other communities, so they may feel alienated," he explains.
"This is not because of their ethnicity, but because they feel they belong to a lower class. They can't speak well, can't mix with other kids and end up grouping together to seek a sense of belonging. That's when they start getting involved in gangs. Many drop out [of school] at this stage."
Another factor behind Indian Malaysian involvement in crimes can be traced to the massive conversion of estates and plantations for commercial development from the late 1980s. This has led to rural families being displaced and being forced to move into urban slums or low-cost housing.
Between their inability to adjust to a new life and the appalling living conditions, many young Indian Malaysian males especially are lured into a life of crime.
S Muniandy, the first senior assistant of SJK(T) Ladang Tuan Mee in Rawang, echoes Arutchelvan's explanation.
"Sometimes, I can't understand why [some of] my former students change their character in secondary school. Many of them used to be good students," he says.
External factors
The community grapples with immense issues that affect Tamil schools. Poor physical infrastructure, lack of teaching resources and shortage of funds are admitted shortcomings. Ownership of schools has also been identified as an obstacle to the systematic development of the Tamil-language education sector.
The YSS study says 433 (or 83.3 percent of 520) Tamil schools are located in rural areas, on private land including estates.
"Since the British colonial era, the welfare and education of Indian workers has been under the care of estate managements, not the government," Arutchelvan says.
He alleges that estate owners want to ensure that children who attend Tamil schools end up contributing to the work force.
In one instance several years ago, he says the Plantation Workers Support Committee in which he is involved had set up an education centre in an estate in Semenyih, Selangor, to conduct free tuition classes for poor children.
It was well received. But the estate management found out that many students who made it to secondary schools wanted to continue with higher learning and leave the estate. The manager then ordered the centre to be closed, he says.
"Things have not changed much since Independence (in 1957). The difference today is that Tamil schools are turning to MIC for patronage because estate workers find it impossible to maintain let alone uplift the standard of Tamil education on their low wages," he says.
Lack of support
Muniandy of SJK(T) Ladang Tuan Mee agrees that the root cause of the problem in maintaining Tamil schools lies elsewhere, in bread-and-butter issues.
"Honestly, a lot of the parents are not as worried about the status of the schools as they are about filling their stomachs," he says, adding that this is reflected in parental decisions regarding the extent of schooling children should receive.
The drop-out casualties include those who are affected by peer pressure. However, many pupils also find it difficult to keep up with their studies because of conditions at home, or because they are forced to work to support their families.
Arutchelvan says some students quit school and work in the estates because they have become dependent on a familiar environment.
"This perpetuates a docile society in which people are conditioned to live in only one kind of environment," he says.
Arutchelvan also singles out the less-than-enthusiastic support for Tamil schools found outside the mainly Tamil-speaking estate community. (Malaysian Indians are by no means a homogenous grouping, comprising many language groups.)
"Most rich people are apolitical and do not feel like doing anything [about the schools], although there are others who channel their money and resources through MIC," he says.
Language not to blame
Some critics have isolated the Tamil language itself for blame, saying this medium of instruction hinders pupils from doing better in their studies. Their claim is rebutted by K Arumugam, co-ordinator of the Group of Concerned Citizens.
In an article The Cinderella of Malaysian education published recently in Aliran Monthly , he argues instead that the blame for poor student performance lies with the static Tamil-language education system and the cycle of poverty.
Arutchelvan says many realise the weaknesses in the Tamil education system, but that they also feel "Tamil education is better than no education".
"A political solution is required, starting with the additional government aid to Tamil schools so that they can upgrade facilities and improve the quality of teaching," he adds.
Until such a time, Tamil schools and the marginalised Indian community are likely to remain the Cinderella of Malaysian society.
Part 3 tomorrow concludes with the Tamil-language education lobby arguing its case for equal opportunities to rectify historical neglect.

