As part of his vision of global politics, the 18th-century German philosopher and ethicist Emmanuel Kant spoke of a ''league of republics'' that together would decide the course of world events.

At the Washington launch of Ambassador Mark Palmer's new book, Breaking the Real Axis of Evil: How to Oust the World's Last Dictators , renowned author and political analyst Francis Fukuyama reminded the audience that Kant specifically meant republics, democratic societies, as harbingers of world power and influence.

In a panel discussion Wednesday, Palmer and fellow US foreign policy notables presented a new vision for US and global foreign policy that embodies Kant's idea of an alliance of republics based on common political principles.

Palmer, a self-described contrarian and libertarian, served in several US administrations as well as oversees, including a stint as US Ambassador to Hungary.

In Palmer's vision, the world can and should rid itself of its 43 remaining dictators by 2025.

He called for a ''new architecture of international power'', whose main foreign policy objective would be to promote democracy and the overthrow of dictators.

According to Palmer, ''it is impossible to have a foreign policy without a goal. We don't have a foreign policy bumper sticker''.

Fukuyama agreed saying, ''In the US we do have a banner of foreign policy - the 'war on terrorism' - but this is a terrible banner. It is completely meaningless and only a means, not an end in itself''.

Palmer's ''new architecture'' would include a ''community of democracies'' that would vote as a caucus in the United Nations. He also envisions a "global NATO'' (the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) that would help to stabilise and promote fledgling democracies.

Up close and personal

In Palmer's vision, dictatorship should be declared a crime against humanity and dictators prosecuted in international courts.

Implicitly criticising the Bush Administration's policy toward North Korea, Palmer said, ''it's good to talk to dictators, get up close and personal''.

He insisted on the need for continuous dialogue between ''senior foreigners'' and dictators, sighting such talks as part of the reason why the downfall of communism in Hungary was much less bloody than in neighbouring Romania.

Referring to the Middle East as ''the heart of democratic darkness'', Palmer called for a re-evaluation of economic sanctions aimed at dictators such as the recently-ended sanctions against Libya's Muammar Qaddaffi.

''We are in line with the Protestant ethos too strongly in this country, too willing to punish,'' said Palmer, who instead called for targeted sanctions to ''target the individual and his cronies in a much more powerful way''.

China, where according to Palmer over 66 percent of the world's people living under dictatorship reside, also made the author's must-go list of dictatorships.

As part of the strategy of promoting democracy, Palmer suggests setting up a democracy centre or institute, run not by the United Nations but ''by the democrats''.

Robert Ackerman, founding chairman of the International Centre on Non-violent Conflict and producer of the documentary 'Bringing Down a Dictator'', spoke of a centre to ''train elements of civil society'' in non-violent resistance.

According to Ackerman, non-violent conflict should be the path to removing dictators because ''violent insurrection is an extremely high-risk, low rate of return activity''.

Not concepts and beliefs

Fukuyama supported the idea of a democratic centre, arguing that the United Nations has never worked to stop or overthrow dictatorships because ''it's based solely on sovereignty, not concepts and beliefs''.

He pointed to Kosovo as an example, noting that Russia's veto in the Security Council prevented the United Nations from taking action against Serbia, and so the issue was transferred to NATO.

Fukuyama also spoke of the importance of post-dictatorship transition to democracy in establishing legitimate and lasting democratic governments.

He pointed to several Latin American countries, including Bolivia and Columbia, which after years of democratic rule still remain unstable and tense. In Asia, Pakistan faces problems in becoming one of the ''legitimate democracies'', he added.

Fukuyama said Pakistan's problems stem not only from the military and Muslim fundamentalists, but because ''the so called democrats in Pakistan are from a tiny land-owning class that dominates the economy and politics''.

Legitimate democracy, said Fukuyama, will result ''not just from the downfall of a particular man, dictator or institution, but from social revolution, including land reform''.

Palmer did not elaborate on whether he expected that such a vision of foreign policy would actually be adopted by the world's democracies.

Failure to mention

But while painting dictatorships as the ultimate evil, he failed to mention that two of the world's most recent military conflicts -- in Afghanistan and Iraq -- were started not by a dictatorship but by a democracy: the United States.

Palmer also failed to explain how the peoples of the world could be expected to follow the United States waving a democratic banner, when throughout the last half of the 20th century Washington continuously supported dictatorships and undermined democratic movements, particularly in Latin America.

Convincing nations to unite along lines of political agreement, rather than economic interests might also pose a significant challenge.

For instance, the United States certainly stands in ideological opposition to China, but it was Washington that lobbied most strongly for China to be allowed into the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and current U.S. foreign policy seems to be more interested in doing business with 66 percent of the world's oppressed, than freeing them from their oppressors.- IPS