I have been asked by Jomo to briefly describe the circumstances in which this book was written. But before I do so, I would first like to thank Dato Siew Nim Chee for graciously agreeing to launch the book and to Dr KS Jomo for writing the Afterword - the only part of the book that is new.

I would also like to say a special thank you to my friend Khoo Siew Mun for helping with the proofreading and for moral support.

How this book came to be written while James ( right ) was in jail is explained by him in the preface. Briefly, James had written an earlier draft for Fajar, the organ of the University of Malaya Socialist Club, but he had not been satisfied with it. It was full of left-wing polemics, and James wanted to explain why state intervention was necessary, not only on grounds of political ideology, but also on socio-economic grounds. He needed more time to think through many of the ideas, but was caught up with trade-union activities. Time was something he now had.

As he says in his preface, the book in its present form was conceived (and I may added, completed) in jail. He had already come across Zorn and Leigh-Hunt's Manual of Rubber Companies when he was working for a short time in the University library and was fascinated with the wealth of information contained in it. He also drew heavily from the Straits Times Directory of Malaya and Singapore. In the absence of any fieldwork, James had to rely heavily on secondary material.

What were the conditions like in jail, and how did James manage to get access to reading materials?

Civilised conditions

For those of you who are expecting to hear exciting stories of manuscripts being written on toilet paper or of documents being smuggled into the jail, I'm afraid I have to disappoint you. The physical conditions in the prison camp - James and five other political detainees were locked up in the Changi camp and not in the prison - were quite civilised.

James had a room to himself with electric lights on most of the night. This meant that James could work during the nights when it was cooler and quieter. Except for the periodic interrogation of the Special Branch, James was left alone to read and write. Contact was also permitted with his fellow-detainees. In the preface, James acknowledges the typing assistance he received from one of them.

Writing materials were provided regularly by Tony Schooling, the brother-in-law of Devan Nair, who was allowed to visit the camp. Although each detainee was allowed only two visitors, there was nothing to stop us from visiting more than one detainee at a time.

The question of access to library facilities proved to be more difficult. I got permission from the librarian of the University of Malaya (then in Singapore) to borrow books for James. Lists of the books he wanted were given to me when I visited him, and the following week, I endeavoured to take the books to him. Although library books had to be returned on time, there were no restrictions on the number of books (borrowed from friends or purchased) that James could keep in his room, and soon, James' room looked very much like a small library. There were also no restrictions on the passing of manuscripts to and fro, although delays sometimes occurred because the Special Branch needed to vet the chapters.

By detailing these favourable conditions, I do not want to give the impression that life in prison was a bed of roses. I do not think one can ever discount what it means to be denied one's personal freedom. All I am saying is that conditions were not as bad as they could have been.

Incentives

You may wonder why the conditions in jail at that time were better than expected? Was James lucky to come into contact with civil servants who understood the limits of their power? While not denying this possibility, I believe that the political circumstances at the time provided incentives for such behaviour.

It must be remembered that politics in Singapore in the 1950s was much more open and vibrant than it is today. The conservative Progressive Party, which had been expected to emerge as the largest party in the Assembly, was routed in the 1955 elections, which saw the emergence of the Labour Party, with David Marshall, and later, Lim Yew Hock as Chief Minister.

But the Chinese working classes supported the newly formed PAP, and in December 1957, the PAP won control of the Singapore City Council. There was no turning back for the PAP. James, Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Suan, and others were all trade union leaders who advised the left-wing trade unions, especially the largest union, the Factory and Shopworkers Union.

Although the PAP was led by English-educated professionals, James and other trade-unionists decided that the only way they could participate in the government was by supporting the PAP. Lee Kuan Yew had been appointed the legal adviser to these unions, and when the leaders were detained, he became their lawyer.

Having Lee Kuan Yew to champion their cause in the Legislative Assembly was wonderful as it kept them in the public eye during the whole period of their detention. It was extremely important for keeping their morale high. Lee not only denounced the detention of the trade unionists, but also made it clear that the PAP would not take office if it won the election unless the detained leaders were first released.

Under these circumstances, it would be a very foolish civil servant who would misuse or abuse his authority. A black eye would have been very costly indeed, not only for the attacker, but for the whole government. Indeed, far from abusing their authority, civil servants tried to help them when they could. For example, although weekly visits were limited to half an hour, Special Branch officers who supervised the visits sometimes allowed an extension of time. In some cases, civil servants began to show more "flexibility" as the PAP's political fortunes went up.

Kuan Yew on visit

I remember being given special permission to visit James on the day of the 1959 elections. When I arrived, I was surprised to find that the Special Branch officer who supervised all visits, was not there. The prison superintendent did not seem to mind how long I stayed with James.

Incidentally, James had another visitor that morning: Lee Kuan Yew arrived, carrying two packets of kuay tiow (he did not expect me to be there), and was looking very pleased with himself. He had just been visiting the polling stations and was sure he would become the next Chief Minister. He was quick to notice my unsupervised visit and made a comment about the negligence of the Special Branch officer. It was clear that in future there would not be room for any compassion in administering the law.

Even more important was the question of other less well-known political trade unionists who continued to remain in jail after the PAP came to power. It seemed that while Lee Kuan Yew and his colleagues had made a big show about not taking office until the six detainees were freed, they had no compunction about the ISA, or keeping these detainees in jail. James did not want to be identified with a government that continued to lock up these detainees, and soon, he parted company with Lee.

James was detained three times spanning a total period of about six years. It was during the second detention that he wrote this book and went on to study law in jail. The last detention in 1963 was the shortest period - 10 months. But this was the most difficult detention for James.

In the first two detentions, he was a nationalist fighting for his country. But by 1963, James found himself being detained by the very leaders he had supported in their bid to take power. When he was released, he was banned from entering Singapore. We then moved to Kuala Lumpur.

Throughout his life, and especially when he was in prison, James has been extremely fortunate in having good friends, many of whom are here this evening to attend the re-launch of his book. It is a measure of the regard you have for him that so many of you are here today. I would like to thank you all for being here.

The above is part of a speech made by Dr MAVIS PUTHUCHEARY at the re-launch of Ownership and Control of the Malayan Economy by her late husband, James Puthucheary, which was originally published in 1960.