In the weeks leading to May 31, the pages of all Chinese-language newspapers and the MCA-owned English newspaper The Star were filled with news, commentaries, features and photographs relating to the 30th anniversary of the landmark establishment of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China in 1974.

In most of these, the impression gained was that public discourse on Malaysia-China relations is dominated by Chinese Malaysian businessmen, politicians and bureaucrats above the age of 50.

What do younger Chinese Malaysians outside the Establishment think? Are there any alternative views and opinions?

This writer spoke to five under-40 Chinese Malaysians to explore their sentiments and opinions on China as well as its bilateral relations with Malaysia. This was not intended to be a scientific or statistical public opinion poll and should not be construed as such. The group may or may not be representative of the majority of Chinese Malaysians in their age group.

The five interviewees were Josh Hong (JH), Wong Chin Huat (CH), Ng Boon Hooi (BH), Seah Li Ling (LL) and Tan Yoke Suan (YS).

All received Chinese-language education and are trilingual (Malay, Chinese and English). While Hong holds a master's degree in political science from Britain, Chin Huat and Seah are post-graduate students in Britain.

Boon Hooi, a graduate of Universiti Sains Malaysia worked as a journalist with the Chinese-language Sin Chew Daily and malaysiakini before becoming a part-time correspondent for the Chinese-language website of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). Tan, a graduate from a university in Taiwan, is a social activist.

Reproduced here are the written responses to questions posed to them. Tan's answers, given in Chinese, have been translated by the writer.

What does the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China mean to you? How do you feel?

JH : It means nothing to me. There are plenty of more critical issues at home.

CH : Nothing personally.

BH : No feeling at all.

LL : Sorry. As I'm following news from the mainstream newspapers, I am not even aware (of the event). Anyway, it can serve as (just more) BN rhetoric to (gain) favour (from) Chinese voters.

YS : I feel normal. There are not many countries in the world that have not established diplomatic relations with China. The reasons why Malaysia established diplomatic relations with China were due to both external and internal factors.

Have you ever visited China? If no, why? If yes, what impressions did you gain of China?

JH : Many times. It is a country steeped in history and culture. The food is fantastic! It seems like any dish in any restaurant there can beat what one gets in a Chinese Malaysian restaurant. I have been to the most 'modern' part of China, ie. Shanghai, as well as those that are still very 'rural', such as Guizhou and Xinjiang. I guess I was able to appreciate the variety of local cultures and customs there.

CH : No, not the mainland at least.

BH : No. I hoping to get the opportunity to do so.

LL : No, only because I don't have the opportunity yet. China is not my favourite destination anyway.

YS : No. Because I know the language and also there is now an avalanche of information about China, Taiwan and Hong Kong, I think I understand these places and their politics, economies, cultures and education quite well. So, I really do not have very keen interest to visit China. It does not really attract me, but still, I think the 'exotic' East is still very attractive to many people. China certainly has all the problems faced by developing countries. China is important too because of its history, population, size and the speed of changes as well as its impact on others. So, it is not surprising that China has become the focus of global attention, especially as it is on the rise.

Do you think Chinese-language newspapers in Malaysia have overplayed the issue of the 30 th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations with China?

JH : Certainly yes. But I suppose it is mostly driven by market considerations: all those stories about 'genuine friendship' and 'close ties' sell. and one must not forget there are thousands of businesspeople in Malaysia eager to tap into the huge Chinese market.

CH : Frankly, I do not know because I seldom visit the websites of the Chinese-language newspapers.

BH : Yes, I think so, for more than one whole month the Chinese press has given more than enough coverage to this particular topic, (which is) meaningless to the people, and not (enough to) the real issues.

LL : No comment as I don't read Chinese-language newspapers these days.

YS : All Chinese-language newspapers and The Star did overplay the issue. The Star gave the impression that it is a Chinese newspaper published in English, catering for the self-styled middle class and neutral Chinese Malaysians. Surprisingly, the media in China only published one official news item on the subject-matter. On May 31, Malaysia appeared in CNN and other international media bulletins because of the detention of BSA Tahir, the alleged nuclear black-marketeer (under the Internal Security Act).

Do you think Chinese-language newspapers in Malaysia have given fair coverage to news and views that are critical of, or unfriendly to, China? What are the reasons?

JH : Certainly very little coverage on the negative aspects of China. The reasons are varied, but can be summed up as follows:

(a) Chinese Malaysians, especially the old generation, are very fond of China as a source of cultural pride and there is no doubt strong cultural affinities at play here;

(b) I suppose some editorial teams of the Chinese newspapers are headed by those who harbour a 'Greater China Complex', ie. they put hopes in a strong, united, economically, politically as well as militarily powerful China that can make Chinese the world over proud; and in the context of Malaysia, they probably hope that the emergence of China as a superpower can help raise the status of Chinese;

(c) Some, though not all, of the owners of those newspapers have business interests in China as well, and the best way to avoid running into trouble with the Chinese authorities and hence putting those interests at risk is to 'suck up' to Beijing; and

(d) The older generation has a 'mother complex' in that they subconsciously see China as their motherland. And as the Chinese saying goes: there are no 'erring' parents under the heaven, which explains why they find it hard to criticise China, especially in public, while all other countries, including Malaysia are constantly at fault.

CH : I don't think so. Not since a short period after 1989. There may be many reasons: traditional pro-China sentiments, an expectation that the rise of China under the Communists has met; business interests; an anti-West/pan-Third World or pro-authoritarianism sentiments which may have been fed, among others, by (former Malaysian premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad's foreign policy which includes Beijing-Kuala Lumpur intimacy. No one would have dared to set up the 'One China' society had there been no Beijing-KL courtship at the highest levels.

BH : I think the Chinese newspapers, especially after the MCA takeover of the China Press and Nanyang Siang Pau (in May 2001), are trying to promote more writers to dance to the tone of Chinese authority, and to replace local writers who are more critical of Chinese government. The obvious reason is very much business oriented. By showing their papers are in favour of the Chinese government, their owners hope to get better business opportunities in the Chinese mainland.

LL : Generally, I feel the Chinese-language newspapers have shown a kind of bias towards China (at least in subtle form). Possible reasons: first, to cater for the emotional needs of the older generation (of Chinese Malaysians) ; second, I suspect that some Chinese Malaysians (and this includes some editors and reporters) may subconsciously feel more secure with the idea that we are culturally affiliated with a powerful nation.

YS : Correct. All the Chinese-language newspapers and The Star have seldom published negative news and views about China. It has to do with the 'Greater China Complex' and political correctness. One article contributed to the Oriental Daily News was heavily censored because of my affirmation of the effort to raise Taiwan's local consciousness in the process of the struggle for independence. I never said that I support Taiwan's independence.

Chinese people in Taiwan and Hong Kong seem to be very conscious of their democratic and human rights but not those in mainland China. Why?

JH : Although they are of Chinese origin, Taiwanese and Hong Kongers have very different historical experiences. Taiwan has been through rule under foreign hands - the Dutch, the Qing Dynasty, Japanese and then the KMT (Kuomintang/Chinese Nationalist Party). It is a tragic history of being colonised. I guess many Taiwanese value highly the right to elect their own leaders of all levels without fear. In Hong Kong, the residents in fact came from the mainland because of political turbulence and economic hardships in the past, such as the disastrous Great Leap Forward and the insane Cultural Revolution. Their collective memory of living under a brutal regime remains alive and real. For those born in Hong Kong, being in proximity of the mainland has also enabled them to understand the terror of the communist regime better than Chinese in other parts of the world. And they treasure the freedom that they once enjoyed under the British and are fearful that it would be lost after 1997.

As for the mainland Chinese, their collective memory is very different. The humiliation of a great nation at the hands of foreign powers and the brutal invasion of the Japanese continue to sharpen their 'siege mentality'. It is indeed very bizarre to know that the most populous nation is also the most distraught by an acute sense of persecution, living constantly under the fear that the nation would one day be 'contained', 'invaded' and 'destroyed'. China really thinks that the whole world is up against it, and this perception still holds sway among the old, while the young ones are also driven by the belief that China, as one of the oldest civilisations, must one day come of age. Therefore, for the sake of national integrity, mainland Chinese, in general, tend to believe that economic development and national revival should come before democracy.

CH : They have been enjoying civil and political freedoms in Hong Kong, and full-fledged (though not perfect - none is) liberal democracy in Taiwan.

BH : I really do not agree that mainland Chinese are not concerned about human rights. The Internet and SMS (text messages) are some of the venues through which many have voiced their concern over critical issues, like the case of Nan Du, Sars, etc. The momentum is there, but how far it will reach is very difficult to measure.

LL : Older generation of mainlanders may be haunted by their past experiences (e.g. Cultural Revolution); whereas the younger generation, in my view, are considerably depoliticised in the context of rapid economic development, materialism, education and control of media and flow of information. (A Chinese friend who is in her 20s does not know about the Tiananmen Massacre). Also, for ordinary people, democratic and human rights norms can only be appreciated if they have ever exposed to them. Hong Kong was once a liberal society while Taiwan has been democratising since the 1990s. Strictly speaking, Taiwan's democratic transition was chiefly elite-led. Without the pivotal role played by Jiang Jin Guo, it might take much longer time and democratic and human rights movements might well be confined to a small group of activists. Chinese mainlanders have never encountered democratic experience in contrast to their Taiwan and Hong Kong counterparts.

YS : I agree that people in Taiwan are concerned with their democratic and human rights, just like Chinese Malaysians are concerned with mother tongue education as part of democratic and human rights. When the ruling elite in China threaten the freedom of speech and other personal rights, democracy becomes an antidote. Democracy (in Taiwan and Hong Kong) is supported domestically as well as internationally. Some may say democracy in Taiwan and Hong Kong may pave the way for foreign (the 'Western devils'?) intervention. However, for NGO activists worldwide, the guiding principles for democracy and human rights are provided by documents of the United Nations.

Do you agree that China should launch a war to occupy Taiwan if the latter proclaims independence or is seen by China to be effectively proclaiming independence?

JH : Emphatically, no! No other nation can deny the right of the Taiwanese to pursue their own future. Whether independence or 'reunification' with China, it should be left to the Taiwanese to decide. Just like all federated states of Malaysia should have the right to self-determination if they so desire (such as Sabah).

CH : No. Boundary change is desirable if and only if it increases democracy and freedom for all and is wished so by all within the new boundary. Reunification by force, whether successful or not, would be a disaster.

BH : I don't think that China would like to take the risk. However, (President) Chen Sui Bian will continue to play the 'local' and 'outsiders' game for his political goal. It is the people who have a right to decide whether they should be independent (or reunite with the mainland), not through war launched by any party.

LL : Certainly not. In any case, the people's well-being should be the primary concern, be it the people in China or Taiwan. In reality, however, it seems to me that the status quo will remain for quite some time, as it is rather unlikely that neither China or Taiwan will forego their economic interests. The issue is simply being played up by political actors (for the moment, Taiwanese politicians in particular) to maximise their popularity.

YS : I don't think China would attack Taiwan, although the initiative is on the side of China. To wage war or not is purely based on calculation of interests. If gains are fewer than losses, then China would not go to war. There are many methods for independence or reunification, although not many are practical for consideration. If China and Taiwan can find a model that is acceptable to both sides and which the world understands, the question would be resolved peacefully. This needs time, courage and wisdom on the part of politicians and I don't think any politician will sacrifice their own status in history for something whose return is not certain. I think the prime concern of the ordinary people in China and Taiwan is not independence or reunification. Some Chinese outside China and Taiwan may be exceptions.

JAMES WONG WING ON is chief analyst of Strategic Analysis Malaysia. He is a former DAP member of Parliament for Kampar (1990-1995) and a former columnist for the Sin Chew Jit Poh Chinese daily (now Sin Chew Daily ). He read political science and economics at the Monash University in Melbourne, Australia.