It is not surprising at all that the current debate on the National Economi Policy (NEP) has brought to the surface those ethnic fault lines that have always divided and dichotomised Malaysian society.

This is why it is important for us to ask whether the ethnic approach to the economy serves the real interests of any ethnic community.

This is a salient point to raise at this juncture because some of the underlying weaknesses of such an approach are more apparent today than they were in the 1970s or 1980s.

One, the income gap and lifestyle differential between the upper and lower echelons of the bumiputera community are more pronounced today than they were 15 years ago.

Although figures on intra-ethnic income disparities are not readily available any more, we know that the Gini Coefficient (which measures income inequalities) within the Malay community had increased from 0.428 in 1990 to 0.4495 in 1997.

An ethnic approach which does not distinguish between various socio-economic strata within the bumiputera community and which does not formulate policies based upon these distinctions will not be able to overcome this fundamental challenge facing bumiputeras today.

Two, the NEP and post-NEP decades have revealed that certain economic groups and certain social rights have not been given the emphasis or attention they deserve. Low-income fisherfolk would be an example of the first, while the housing needs of the urban poor would be an example of the second.

While a substantial percentage of the disadvantaged in both cases would be bumiputeras, an ethnic approach per se will not be able to ameliorate their situation.

It is only when issues such as the structural roots of the marginalisation of the poor and the nature of policies adopted by the state are addressed, that feasible solutions will emerge.

Policy abuse

Three, likewise, it is not possible to curb the abuse of certain policies meant to assist bumiputeras - such as those pertaining to the distribution of Approved Permits or the allocation of shares - through the mere intensification of the ethnic approach.

What is required is honesty and integrity on the part of both public officials tasked with the implementation of these policies and those individuals and groups who are beneficiaries of the policies. Honesty and integrity are universal human values which transcend ethnicity.

The emphasis upon ethnicity may sometimes even serve to conceal and camouflage abuse and corruption within the community.

Four, it follows from this that weaknesses within the bumiputera community itself, especially those related to work ethic and business attitudes, cannot be resolved through a more determined pursuit of an ethnic agenda.

The community will have to undertake an honest, candid evaluation of itself. Indeed, because this demands critical self examination, one's ethnic personality itself will have to be subjected to sincere scrutiny.

Can we expect this to happen if one is obsessed with protecting one's ethnic privileges, if one elevates what is after all a legitimate concern - strengthening the bumiputera position in the economy- to the level of a sacrosanct ethnic policy?

Five, since it is often alleged that one of the reasons why a bumiputera entrepreneurial community has not emerged is because non-bumiputera, specifically Chinese Malaysian, business networks have been lukewarm about extending co-operation to the former, would a renewed push for an ethnic approach succeed in eliciting their support? Or will it alienate them and consequently further jeopardise efforts to develop bumiputera entrepreneurship?

Islamic values

Over and above the arguments presented here the most compelling evidence of the success of the non-ethnic approach is the first prong of the NEP itself: the eradication of poverty irrespective of ethnicity.

Absolute poverty within the Malay community was reduced dramatically from about 65 percent in 1970 to less than seven percent by 2000. This was because other related endeavours - such as the massive expansion of educational opportunities especially in rural Malaysia - had enhanced social mobility.

The community has therefore witnessed a monumental socio-economic transformation within just three decades - a transformation which has few parallels in history.

That the Malays are today a significant component in almost every profession and have a substantial presence within the nation's middle class testifies to the validity of the non-ethnic approach.

More than that, the Malay transformation shows that it is the equalisation of opportunities, the quintessence of social justice - and not ethnic based programmes - which leads to the emergence of individuals of outstanding ability and accomplishment.

Besides, the non-ethnic approach to the economy is in harmony with Islamic values. Any form of discrimination motivated by religious or ethnic considerations in matters pertaining to a person's livelihood is anathema to the religion.

If Islam is biased at all, it is to the poor and disadvantaged regardless of religious affiliation or ethnic origin.

It is this universal, inclusive vision of justice which also resonates with other religious philosophies that our nation should embrace as we approach our 48th birthday.

CHANDRA MUZAFFAR is president of the International Movement for a Just World.