There are times when one cannot help but wonder if Malaysian politics, and Malay politics in particular, is nothing but froth and fury. Those who bemoan the absence of a free press in the country have obviously not been walking along the pavements of the capital all that much.

For if they were to do so, then they would come across a veritable plethora of pseudo-journalistic, pseudo-academic writings that mask behind the general heading of vernacular Malay political commentary.

Here one finds all kinds of stuff: From the near-hysterical rants of the likes of C N Al-Afghani (PAS's own Mad Mullah who preaches jihad in almost every line he writes) to the biography of the Frog Turned Prince himself, Ibrahim Ali. Then there are the scores of magazines, books, novellas and comics that depict and distort the various political figures of the country, all seen through the jaundiced lenses of their respective authors.

(But since we are all prey to mortal failings like jaundice anyway, we need not concern ourselves too much with the question of who is more jaundiced that the other - the fact is that Malay political commentary remains as partisan and myopic as it has always been.)

Stepping into the arena is the new figure of Ezam Mohd Noor, who, up till a couple of years ago, was practically unheard of in the country. Today he stands as one of the leaders of the Keadilan (Justice) party founded by the followers of the ousted ex-DPM Anwar Ibrahim, and is widely regarded as an up-and-coming political star in the already overcrowded firmament of great leaders in this small country of ours.

(At times one can only wonder how Malaysia manages to survive with so many great leaders. Perhaps there will one day come a time when there is nobody left to lead). But Ezam isn't one to blow his own trumpet. Like that other acrobatic political player Ibrahim Ali, Ezam has others to do the blowing for him. The trumpet-blower in question this time happens to be Rozaid A Rahman, Ezam's ' rakan sebilik ' while they were both hiding out in Jakarta in 1998.

Butch John hero

Rozaid's biography of Ezam is entitled Di Sini Aku Berdiri (Here I Stand), and it reads as just the sort of political hagiography that we have come to know and expect from Malaysian politicians and their adoring fans by now.

The author heaps showers of praises upon his subject, in a laboured attempt to convince us that he indeed deserves the merit that is given to him. This itself is not unique as far as popular reformasi literature is concerned - I have even come across pro-reformasi books and magazines that claim that Anwar Ibrahim deserves to be the people's hero because he is more handsome than Mahathir and better dressed! (A plus in Milan, perhaps, but not in Malaysia unless one belongs to the right circles).

Despite the odds, Rozaid's book nonetheless tries to add substance to a subject that is desperately short of it. The biography begins with an overview of Ezam's life, beginning from his student days at Victoria Institution (VI), up to the International Islamic University (UIA). The reader is told of Ezam's prowess at school and sports, and pictures are added in case visual proof is necessary: photos of Ezam playing football, rugby and other manly pursuits are there to tell us just what sort of Butch John our hero is.

(As an aside, one might wonder how the biography of Ezam might read if it was written by that other infamous factory of books, C N Al-Afghani. Being himself a product of Madrasah education and Tarbiyyah study groups, Al-Afghani who seems to prefer the Muhajideen and their AK-47s would probably not be too impressed by Ezam's educational background (which most of us ordinary mortals share, by the way) on the grounds that it makes him a 'secular educated nominal' Muslim instead. But never mind.)

Try as he might, Rozaid simply cannot muster enough words to fill this book of his. This is also understandable, considering the fact that the subject in question has been a major political player in the country for less than a couple of years. So what is the author to do in such a situation? Rozaid girds his loins, sharpens his pencils and waxes eloquent about the personal charisma and attributes of Ezam instead.

Superhuman ability

Indeed, much of the book is littered with overblown descriptions of Ezam and his extraordinary capabilities. The narrative is littered with generous praises about Ezam's image and looks (' budi pekertinya yang tertib, bersopan santun, hormat... dan handsome ' (pg. 19), his impressive character (' Ezam memiliki apa yang disebut satu kesedaran sensitiviti yang eksepsional ke atas perasaan, harapan, kebimbangan, kecintaan dan kebencian dalam sebuah masyarakat ' (pg. 37).

The day that Ezam passed his final exams at UIA is described as a historical event (' hari yang bersejarah ' (pg. 18). Rozaid also informs his readers that Ezam's political ambitions were inspired by none other than the Filipino patriot and martyr Jose Rizal, no less (pp 26-27). He is presented as a rock-solid political mastermind with a near-superhuman ability of self control (' keyakinan diri secara total ' (pg 36), and endowed with natural leadership potential (' karektor, karisma dan aura kepimpinan semulajadi yang ada pada wajahnya ' (pg 37).

Naturally this auspicious combination of favoured elements makes him one who is loved and worshiped by all those around him- and Rozaid, for one, seems to have been struck by Ezam's divine-like ' aura kepimpinan ' as well.

Like all feudal politicians, Ezam has also been anointed by his master and patron personally: ' Anwar (Ibrahim) yang memahami ideological consistency atau policy coherence memperlihatkan keyakinannya yang tinggi kepada Ezam untuk memimpin gerakan reformasi yang dirintisnya pada masa hadapan ' (pg 37). Once again: ' Ezam adalah seorang yang mampu membuatkan sesiapa sahaja berkerja mati-matian atas nama prinsip kerana dia sendiri adalah seorang pemimpin berprinsip sama seperti bossnya, Anwar Ibrahim ' (pp 36-37).

Like father, like son - and like boss, like disciple it seems.

Personal manifesto

The narrative follows Ezam and his friends as they prepared for the fallout following the failed internal party putsch in 1998, which eventually led to the dismissal of the then-DPM, Anwar Ibrahim. When the writing was finally on the wall, the great people's hero (acting on his boss's orders) decided that it would be best to leave the country instead.

The rest of the story meanders along at its own tortuous pace. Ezam finally returns from his self-imposed exile only to get back to the grind of daily work - as the Malaysian public get on with their lives and their shopping.

Bad taste and hyperbole aside, it should be clear what the underlying agenda of the book really is. Written in 1999 (just when the reformasi movement was beginning to get itself off the ground), Di Sini Aku Berdiri reads less like a biography and more like a personal campaign manifesto for Ezam Mohd Nor himself, who has almost by default been catapulted to the centre stage of the political scene in the country.

The all-too-frequent allusions to the close relationship between Ezam and his mentor Anwar (boosted, no less, by a gallery of photos to prove the fact), the praises sung to his superhuman qualities and the way in which the author conveniently sidetracks other facts (such as Ezam's own previous involvement in Umno and how many of the leaders of the reformasi movement have themselves been active members of Umno in the past) all point to one thing: A calculated attempt by the author to project Ezam as the leader of the reformasi movement while Anwar is absent.

It is distressing to see just how quick newcomers to the Malaysian political scene can learn the same rotten old rules of the rotten old game, and how well they adapt themselves to them. What is worse, in the process of learning the same old rules they also seem to have committed themselves to the same old mistakes.

Malay politics has always been dictated by the culture of the feudal court, and this is painfully evident in the way that the Umno party works. Sadly, those who claim to want to reform this system seem to end up playing the same game themselves and in the end become the very thing they want to eradicate. This has become the fate of the reformasi movement today, which is rapidly turning itself into a mirror copy of the status quo that it wants to replace.

The fact that a book like Di Sini Aku Berdiri could have been written at all is proof, if any was needed, that the achievements of the reformasi movement fall far short of its claims. Texts such as these are no different from the hagiographies written at the behest of other powerful leaders of the country, and they serve only to puff up the already over-inflated egos of the subjects in question.

Kitchen cabinet

But the questions themselves remain. Rozaid claims that his subject is a man who has always stood for the Truth and believed in the principles of Justice. But where lies the truth and where is the justice that he speaks of? Like in most of the political commentaries written by vernacular Malay authors today, both the author and the subject remain silent on the issue. It is fine for Ezam to claim that he stands firm where he stands. But where does he stand, precisely?

It is this total lack of elaboration on matters of policy and praxis that leaves the reader with more questions than answers after reading the text. (And, unlike the case of the biography of Ibrahim Ali, one cannot say that Rozaid's book is as funny and entertaining). Rather than explain what the reformasi movement is and what it hopes to achieve, the author has instead personalised the struggle of the reformists in the personality of a single individual.

The other thing that Rozaid has clearly failed to do is to give us an idea of what was happening in the ranks of the Anwar camp in the months leading up to the crisis of 1998. There is no mention of the closed network of friends and associates who made up Anwar's kitchen cabinet, or of the elaborate negotiations and deals that are the routine practice of all Umno big-wigs.

(Compare this to the well-orchestrated campaign by Anwar and company to oust the ex-DPM Ghafar Baba in 1993, for instance. During the 1993 campaign for the No 2 post in Umno, Anwar's camp was known to have used all means available to gather support within Umno against Ghafar and his allies.

This included the use of the mainstream media as well as instrumental alliances with other Umno hopefuls like Muhyiddin Yasin, Najib Tun Razak and Muhammad Mohd Taib). Yet not a single word is said about was going on behind the scenes in 1998 - surely a major oversight on the author's part.

Hero-worship

To sum up, the major failing of the book is that it ends up doing a disservice to the thing it wishes to serve in the first place: the cause of social and political reform in the country. Malaysia doesn't need any more 'inspired leaders' and 'men of vision'. It certainly doesn't need any more 'handsome' people's heroes who have been blessed by the hand of their great handsome bosses.

It requires practical solutions that can be developed and operationalised by ordinary people who are given the chance to exercise their will and rational agency without being burdened by a cult of heroes and hero-worship.

The first mistake of the reformasi movement occurred when some of its more ardent and hot-headed spokesmen turned Anwar Ibrahim into a living icon. This froze the movement at its inception, and it has remained static ever since. The last thing that the country needs at the moment are more pretenders to the throne.

As long as some of the leaders of the reformasi movement cannot put aside their egos and political ambitions, they will never be able to reform the neo-feudal political culture of this country which they blame on Umno. Come to think of it, many of these so-called reformists look as if they never left the world of neo-feudal palace politics to begin with.

Di Sini Aku Berdiri: Suara Hati dan Iktikad Perjuangan Ezam Mohd Nor is written by Rozaid A Rahman and published by UniClass, Kuala Lumpur, 1999.