There now seems little doubt that the demand for social reform has struck at the very heart of the nation, as seen in the context of the 2008 general election results. Although there has yet to be any in-depth scientific analysis of the results, this call for reform has taken centre stage, to such extent that Malaysians from all walks of life now appear to want to see reforms transcending constitutional, judicial, political and socio-economic institutions initiated and implemented as a matter of utmost urgency.

This is a defining moment in the history of the nation, because the demand for change has been mobilised on the basis of individuals, seeking to create a level playing field on which to improve the quality of their lives and that of their children. This demand has cut across social class; because elitist, ethnic, and racial formations hitherto entrenched in the interest of the ruling class power structure has resulted in the rakyat and other marginalised groups facing political disenchantment, mobility-closure and institutional constraints. As a result, this segment of society has been left with little alternative but to accept patronage and handouts for survival from the ruling class on the basis of ethnic or racial identity.

This scenario for reform leading to capacity and capability building is within the well- recognised theoretical framework. The literature review confirms the contention that seeking reform within the concept of diversity of ethnic and racial identity is flawed. Diversity promotes inclusion and implies convergence and communality.

It is therefore impossible to cure racism with more racism within the diversity perspective, where affirmative action in the provision of opportunities and privileges are, in effect, taken from one group and given to another. This only breeds justified resentment and fuels the prejudice of the real racists. The correct approach should be to focus on "individuality awareness" where the potential for self-development is assessed on the basis of the individual’s own merit.

Herein lies the core of the argument that institutional reform is a necessary condition to the achievement of national unity. Despite the diversity in a multiracial and multicultural society where primordial loyalties can be divisive, allowing for the development of human capital through reforms giving rise to opportunities and facilities for developing knowledge-based skills will enable people to see themselves as individuals, able to compete on a level playing field and to operate on their own terms.

In other words, the extent to which individuals are empowered to stand on their own feet, is the extent to which they will in fact acquire social power, and relinquish their dependence on their ethnic or racial group in order to take control of their own lives. Perhaps some evidence of this can be seen in the membership of social organisations such as Rotary Clubs and other Clubs. Members of these clubs mix and mingle as individuals, devoid of ethnic or racial consciousness because they see themselves as equals as members of professional or business groups.

2. The evidence

I believe it true to say that the people’s demand for reforms has been heightened, especially with the inception of information communications technology (ICT) and the availability of vast amounts of material published online over the past decade. In all humility, it has to be said that some of us academics, professionals and social activists have relentlessly highlighted this demand in books and articles in the mainstream and alternative press in all the main languages both online and offline.

In this connection, my earlier book entitled "Speaking Out: Insights into Contemporary Malaysian Issues" (Utusan 2006) and now this publication "Speaking Out Loud" includes a cross-section of issues and problems calling for immediate reforms. Indeed I would go so far as to suggest that the failure to address the kind of reforms highlighted by academics, professionals and social activists thus far and to overcome the consequent arising social problems, did in fact contribute materially to what has been termed the "tsunami" election results in 2008.

3. Formulation

It should therefore not be too difficult to formulate blueprints for programmes and projects leading towards reform. The private sector for example has at its disposal fairly comprehensive databases for research, in addition to the professional and technical expertise necessary to undertake such research. It is now possible to identify a host of areas needing immediate institutional reforms; examples would include the land and plantation sectors, Felda, SME’s and statutory bodies such as Mara/UDA; as well as the democratisation of social institutions at grassroots level. It was in fact possible, based on the readily available resources mentioned above, for me to prepare a draft blueprint for the Iskandar Regional Development Plan in Johor.

There is of course an important need to assess the initiative for reform in the context of relevance. For instance, while constitutional and judicial reforms are absolutely and fundamentally necessary to safeguard the inalienable rights of citizens to be free from constitutional constraints against pursuing their right towards self-betterment freely and fairly, at the same time it must be conceded that in reality, reforms of this nature may not necessarily be the kind of reforms immediately demanded by the rakyat. It is all well and good to initiate and implement reforms ‘at the top’, but it must be acknowledged that these kinds of reforms do not have direct relevance for the rakyat and other marginalised groups in the struggle for their day-to-day survival.

4. Implementation

It is to be expected that reforms in any modern multicultural democratic society would traditionally be opposed by the ruling class, the political elite, and the bureaucracy. The simple reason for this is that by definition, reforms challenge the status quo that invariably protects the interests of these groups, as a class, consolidating ethnic and racial identities in furtherance of this objective. Indeed, it has been argued that in a society such as Malaysia where ethnic, racial, class and to some extent religious affinities of individuals and groups are often intertwined, reforms can be seen as a real threat to the position of the above-mentioned elite groups that could in turn, threaten the stability of the nation.

In fact there has been some coverage, both by the mainstream press and alternative media, of the recent reforms initiated by the prime minister, and planned by the newly-elected governments in certain states, being opposed and blocked. Indeed, in one instance a minister in the federal government is reported to have gone so far as to urge employees in his ministry to "sabotage" their projects so as to discredit the performance of new state governments. Indeed, even in the normal course of the decision-making process in the civil service, the prime minister himself has drawn attention to the power wielded by the "Little Napoleons" who apparently make unilateral decisions off their own bat without consultation.

But perhaps the most important and clearest proven example can be seen in the attempts to establish the Judicial Appointment Commission and to re-instate Article 121 of the Federal Constitution to its pre-1998 position. Despite the intrinsic fundamental importance of these provisions, it has not been possible to table these matters before Parliament in time because it appears that politicians in the government still need to be convinced that, inter alia, these provisions will not weaken their positions of power. It is generally understood that the normal procedure is for these provisions to be approved by the Umno Supreme Council and the cabinet, before they can be tabled in parliament.

Based on my own documented experiences over 50 years, I have to say that as it stands, it will be impossible to formulate and implement the kind of reforms needed for national unity within the existing political and institutional structure. Indeed, with the current uncertain political situation we have today, it is absolutely imperative that we take the entire question of reforms outside the existing government avenues to move ahead.

Therefore it is my fervent hope that this forum will strongly endorse an appeal to the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong to appoint an Ombudsman to take full responsibility for the purposes of undertaking the entire reform program. In this task the latter will of course need to be advised by a consortium of NGOs (excluding political parties) and look to the options available for implementation. It would seem that we could usefully take a page from the establishment of the National Operation Council after the May 13 riots where the military was also appointed to take responsibility for implementation, a task which by all accounts, they performed admirably.

DR COLLIN ABRAHAM holds a doctorate degree in race relations from Oxford. Initially a civil servant attached to the welfare ministry, he later undertook research projects with the rural development ministry and economic planning unit. He was seconded to Universiti Sains Malaysia as associate professor in sociology and, more recently, visiting fellow. He is currently pro-tem president of the Malaysian Association of Social Impact Assessors.