Exactly 25 years ago at a post-graduate seminar on race relations at Cornell, while I was a Fulbright Visiting Professor, an African-American student presented a paper stating that the US needs a black president before the problems of the community can be sorted out.

This has come to pass but Barack Obama is not a ‘typical’ black born in the US and whose ancestry may be traced to slavery. Indeed, it can be argued that - because he was able to avoid the institutional racism to which blacks are generally subjected to, with its accompanying psychological, politico-economic and social constraints - he managed to develop his capability and capacity to the maximum.

american presidential election barack obama 051108 03 It is therefore understandable that his ideology as well as election campaign literally brought democracy right to the doorstep not only of the American people, but indeed the world itself.

Indeed it needs to be emphasised that, had Obama been a ‘typical’ African-American, he would not have become president-elect.

This contention is borne out by the fact that African-Americans who have achieved outstanding success in their respective fields (except perhaps in sports ) have invariably been of the black experience ‘outside’ the US such as in the West Indies, Latin America and of course Africa.

Against this background, any comparison of Obama’s victory to the March 8 Malaysian general election results, may seem like a storm in a tea cup. Yet each can be recognised as a ‘social revolution’ in its own right.

There are certain theoretical and pragmatic underpinnings of comparative relevance to both scenarios, which could contribute not only towards the existing body of knowledge of the revolutionary events themselves, but much more importantly, in terms of the potential for even greater radical and revolutionary social changes in the future.

This is obviously not the place, nor is it the intention to attempt a detailed in-depth analysis of these concerns here, but perhaps I might be allowed to highlight dimensions of certain scenarios within a comparative perspective to flesh out what may be considered to be important projections that identify trends, give meaning and above all a sense of possible direction for future elections.

Ideology

Obama would not have achieved victory had he not successfully managed to move the political spectrum of the electorate from that of conservative centre-right to the liberal left. Indeed, to a lesser extent it might be argued that a similar shift was evident in the Malaysian results, but only to the extent of a move from the conservative right of centre, to a more centralist position.

These assertions need clarification. What is being emphasised is that the electorate in both cases, adopted new acceptable value systems that rejected the consensus conservative position that the concentration of political power and decision-making must always rest with those who control the political machine.

american presidential election barack obama 051108 01 In its place was the new demand that in a practising democracy the dynamic for social change should be delegated and decentralised to the individual at the bottom level of the political system and then to move upwards.

This means that each and every social issue and problem must involve unrestrained individual participation, within the law, for problem-solving and nation-building.

The promulgation of this ideology without doubt increased the awareness and interest in politics, so that a great many people hitherto disillusioned by the political system voting for the first time voted for Obama (Time, Nov 4, 2008) .

The ideological overview essentially comprised a new perspective involving a set of values that permeated the entire social system. Central to this was that the legal system and constitutional provisions, enshrined and ensured the full protection of the rights and liberties of each and every individual, and automatically gave each a stake in society with the accompanying full access to existing and new social institutions to facilitate full participation in the decision-making process.

These opportunities for the democratisation in the decision-making process of the entire institutional structure then becomes possible, enabling the thrust for social change to move from conservative confrontational conflict resolution to one of consensual nation-building.

barack obama 031106 speaking It is the contention here that Obama’s exposure, especially to experiences in Kenya and Indonesia, set the stage for the creation of a mind-set for the successful application of a combination of theoretical frameworks based on pragmatism to his legal studies and professional contributions at Harvard.

Indeed, this scenario was subsequently further manifested in his opting out from the lucrative employment opportunities in the established legal practices after graduation, and moving on instead to work with voluntary organisations associated with upbeat mainstream activist front-line action-oriented groups.

This was the basis that gave Obama the confidence that experience alone was not all that important. Rather, it was the understanding of comparative experiences in social issues seen in a worldwide and historical perspective, that made judgment more important. In the ultimate analysis therefore it can be concluded that the differences in ideology and pragmatism turned out to be his strongest pillars of strength.

Strategies

The framework for the transmission of this new ideology became alive in the US, and had its beginning in Malaysia, through the revolutionary impact of the Internet. Put simply, it meant that the electorate no longer had to rely on the ‘filtered’ print media and were now exposed to the vast network in the revolutionary information potential demanding radical social change across the board.

This enabled a total break away from the dominance and dictates of the political machinery with its accompanying political aristocracy - a change that fitted well in a situation where marginalised groups in the US especially among the African-Americans, the Latinos and other youth within the 18-34 age-groups who had for sometime been craving for a new sense of direction.

malaysia vote ballot box undi voting The cursory evidence available in the Malaysian situation suggests that especially among urban Malay voters, many who had always voted the ruling political party and now voted opposition candidates, did so because the latter championed the need for reform for long-neglected social issues that had now been brought to the fore mainly through their exposure to the Internet.

These voters realised that they had more in common with what the opposition parties stood for rather than the ruling party.

Multi-cultural societies

Perhaps the greatest shift in the value system as seen in the election results in both elections was that the issue of ethnicity and race was addressed in a manner where these questions were diffused by emphasising the position that social issues and social problems, especially among the underclass and marginalised, were real and ‘felt’ among all groups irrespective or ethnic or racial identity.

It was repeatedly pointed out that these were not mere manifesto platitudes, but more importantly that existing social institutions would be reformed and new ones put in place with adequate safeguards built in to ensure rapid and accelerated implementation. In an unprecedented move the US electorate was called upon to be directly involved in this process in the spirit of voluntarism and through community service.

american presidential election barack obama 051108 04 Indeed, Obama proposed that such services would be contingent on government financial assistance to institutions and more importantly in the provision of scholarships and other educational awards. This would involve especially the youth in voluntary and community service at a time when they are most receptive to new ideals and ideas that could then continue on a long-term basis.

Such exposure would greatly enhance understanding in the context of interpersonal relationships cutting across traditional conservative boundaries built around notions of the ‘them’ and the ‘we’ so that, while experience is most important, judgment is invaluable.

These scenarios were obviously new to the electorates in the US and especially for Malaysia. But what is important for future political consciousness is that they were a clear break from past practices and, on the basis of a further dramatic exposure to the Internet, can be expected to generate revolutionary demands for a more just and equitable

The people, and especially politicians would ignore these potential demands at their peril.

COLLIN ABRAHAM holds a doctorate in race relations from Oxford. Initially a civil servant attached to the welfare ministry, he later undertook research projects with the rural development ministry and economic planning unit. He was seconded to Universiti Sains Malaysia as associate professor in sociology and, more recently, visiting fellow. He is currently pro-tem president of the Malaysian Association of Social Impact Assessors.