I am not quite sure what is the point of Neil Khor’s patronising and schizophrenic article . Khor claims he felt exhilarated by the Bersih rallies, but then he accuses other rally-goes of facile attendance.

He mocked people who took the trouble to attend, ignoring the fact that for comfortable Malaysians, turning up itself is a change from a previous pattern of apathy. He thumbed his nose at the organisers’ call for a “48-hour” protest, not seeming to realise that the idea of an overnight street protest was so alien to Malaysians three days ago that few really believed it could be carried out uninterrupted.

Khor goes on to question the thousands of photos of crowds that have been shared across all forms of media, saying that they mean nothing if photographs can be digitally enhanced.

His proclamation that Bersih is as good as over when it has just organised its largest, longest and most successful rally, and his call for micro-level neighbourhood action instead are just frankly bizarre.

He seems to even have regretted a peaceful protest as opposed to a violent one, from his inference that the unmarred event now makes the government look good. He belittled the mass movement, saying that Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak is “not going anywhere anytime soon”.

Does Khor then advocate that Malaysians do nothing but sit at home and be keyboard warriors? From whence he draws the conclusion that the 48 hours of protest signalled the last spurt of the 2008 Tsunami? Only he will know.

Bersih 4 cannot be the conclusion of the 2008 election as the popular protest against Barisan Nasional (BN) did not even begin there. If we separate out the Reformasi movement, which one can close with Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s strong majority in the 2000 elections, then 2004 was the true beginning of this popular expression of dissatisfaction against BN when it lost five state governments in that general election.

For Malaysians who had expected a foregone conclusion, THAT was an exhilarating realisation that the power of the vote did make a difference. Pessimistic commentators would say that it made no difference as BN still ruled with rampant disregard for the law and made reversals to opposition inroads in 2008.

I would argue otherwise. Bearing in mind that the incumbents had already given themselves a head start with the funds and resources that they had access to, as well as widespread gerrymandering, BN still won less than 50 percent of the popular vote.

The BN failed to regain a two-thirds majority in Parliament and the opposition retained control of three state governments. One would only have to step foot in Penang to know that the changes there are real and palpable.

Returning to the subject of Bersih, contrary to Neil’s opinions, Bersih 4 made two powerful points. The first is that it gave Malaysians heart that they can protest peacefully in practice of their rights as enshrined in the federal constitution. It also made them reject the fear of unreasonable and ridiculous pronouncements, such as a ban on peaceful gatherings or wearing of T-shirts.

Urban liberal privileged bias

In scoffing at the apparent failure of the Bersih movement to “breach the rural divide”, Khor also betrays his own urban liberal privileged bias. He accused Bersih of failing to connect with bread and butter issues, but he himself failed to consider that these may be the reasons that may have prevented many from openly attending the protests.

For many who are not living in the Klang Valley, it is not exactly a weekend’s sojourn to Dataran Merdeka rather than the cafés of Bangsar. As another writer pointed out, many had to work Saturdays while others simply can’t afford to get on a bus and head down to KL.

Many who attended past rallies with the participation of PAS had arrived on buses that the party provided. Without PAS’ support this time, every participant there had arrived purely voluntarily, paying for their own transportation, food and water.

In decrying the initial low participation of “rural” or “semi-rural folks” (very likely an urban liberal PC and oblique way of referring to Malay Malaysians), Neil Khor failed to consider that, for man, the fear is real that they may lose their university places or their civil service jobs. For them, there is no easy resort to a private sector job or self-funded alternative. This is a fear that has been planted into the consciousness of Malaysians for as long as we can remember.

Even for those who decided early on to brave it, the fear of violence was real – perhaps also paradoxically fuelled by multiple online posts advising rally-goers of what to do if they are sprayed with tear gas, where to run if the event turns ugly and who to call if you are arrested.

And certainly, if Khor had attended Day 2 of the event, he would surely have noticed that as the day progressed, the crowd was definitely far more diverse than on the first day. This strongly suggests that the peaceful conduct of the first day gave many the confidence to join in the next day.

The second powerful point that Bersih made was the one to the police that Malaysians can protest peacefully without creating a threat to national security or public peace. The organisation of the rally was exemplary from start to finish – from marshalling the crowds, providing free sustenance, setting up medical tents, ensuring that litter is collected and properly disposed of, keeping the tone of the rally positive and uplifting to calling for quick dispersal after the end of the rally.

The police, in return, acted with the professionalism that Malaysians have longed to see in our law enforcers. Over the course of the two days, police officers worked round-the-clock to ensure smooth flow of traffic and people, and in many cases, were helpful and friendly. At Dataran Merdeka, police presence was low and troublemakers were apprehended quickly and quietly.

As an ex-journalist who has covered many demonstrations that have turned ugly after police insisted protesters disband, Bersih 4 marks a watershed. From this moment, it establishes precedence that as long as space is given and rights are respected, mass demonstrations can be conducted peacefully with full cooperation between civil society groups and the police.

There may still be many problems that Malaysia needs to address in its police force, but on this occasion, it showed that despite all the awful things that are being done in the name of the police, on the ground, it reinforced the fact that police officers are also Malaysians who suffer as much as the rest of us do from gross abuse of power higher up the food chain.

We will not know what repercussions may yet come as Deputy Prime Minister Zahid Hamidi has threatened, but on Aug 29 and 30, the police did a fine job.

The road to Malaysia’s salvation will not be short nor painless. No one has promised easy fixes or overnight solutions.

But what binds all of us who turned up at Bersih 4 is a determination that we will not be cowed and we will still hope for a better future. It is unnecessary of Khor to deride these intentions with half-baked arguments.