Come Tuesday, 5,447 delegates of Umno will gather for the party's annual general assembly at the Putra World Centre (PWTC) in Kuala Lumpur. It is the principal partner in the ruling BN coalition and the 13th General Election weighs heavily on its collective mind.

At a recent interview with editors of the Malaysian National News Agency (Bernama) and the Utusan Malaysia group of newspapers, Prime Minister Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, who is also the Umno president, shared his desire to see Umno continue to assume the responsibility to champion the plight of the Malays and all the other communities in Malaysia.

Following is the English translation of the transcript of the interview, which was attended by Bernama Editor-in-Chief Yong Soo Heong, Utusan Group Editor-in-Chief Abdul Aziz Ishak, Bernama Deputy Editor-in-Chief Datuk Zulkefli Salleh, Utusan Deputy Editor-in-Chief Datuk Othman Mohamad, Bernama News Editor Mokhtar Hussain and Utusan Malaysia Assistant Editor Zulkefli Hamzah.

QUESTION: What is the message you intend to deliver to the delegates at the 2012 Umno General Assembly, considering that this is the last assembly before the next general election?

NAJIB: It is no longer a secret that this assembly is the last before the 13th general election. Therefore, this general assembly should reflect a party that is ready to face the elections in the real sense of the word, in a comprehensive manner in terms of our party's image, its direction, the unity within, and organisation, right up to the level of the grassroots.

It should project a party that is strong and steadfast and has a high level of fighting spirit and motivation to secure a tremendous victory for Umno and the BN.

Compared with the previous assembly, how would you rate Umno's achievements over the past year in terms of strengths and weaknesses?

Umno has been able to raise the level of its preparations and preparedness to face the upcoming elections.

The work entrusted to the party has been accomplished, regardless of whether they are preparations up to the level of the polling districts or whether they are other tasks which we should undertake as a party, including courses, raising the number of voters, ensuring that our service to the people is continually upgraded and avoiding internal problems that can undermine the party's image.

I admit that not everything can be said to be ideal or that there are no internal problems at all.

However, generally, it is much better today than a year ago and far better than what we see happening today in Pakatan whose parties are incompatible, the pact fragile, and much of what they have tried to conceal all along has been exposed, and things have come to a boil.

What are seen as internal problems, whether in terms of differences in direction or in terms of underlying matters such as who should become the prime minister, or in terms of party practices which have come under heavy dispute, such as views on religion freedom and views on practices inconsistent with Islam and so on.

So, when we make a comparison, Umno and BN are seen to have gained confidence while the opposition parties have raised more issues and controversies which the voters can find fault with.

Is this development motivating for BN and Umno?

Whether it's beneficial to us depends on the extent to which we are able to deliver our message to the people. Our communication with the people - that is what is necessary.

When I say communication, it is not just the conventional means but also via the alternative media and so on. It has to be done so that the people really know that the BN is the best choice.

Can you state five major reasons why Umno/BN should be given a bigger mandate in the next general election?

Umno and the BN have clear visions and directions, unlike the obscure plans of the opposition. Umno and the BN are a pact bound by policies which are jointly supported and there is no contradiction in terms of policy or ideology, as opposed to the opposition which often expresses differing opinions in conflict with fundamental matters.

We have a proven track record of managing our country that cannot be dismissed. We have been able to convince the people that the roadmap to the future is based on our capability to implement all this while. The people have confidence in our capability to implement the national agenda, i.e. the major transformation that we want to bring about.

We have moral strength, which is based on our principle of "Janji Ditepati" (Promises Fulfilled) because, as a government, there is no pledge that we have not fulfilled. The opposition parties, on the other hand, intend to deceive the voters so long as their objective of making it to Putrajaya is achieved.

They cannot even agree on who should become the prime minister. They do not have a shadow cabinet, and their ideologies are often in conflict and frequently changing.

Who can promise a better and brighter future compared to the opposition whose level of credibility and confidence can be disputed?

Our future and the future of our children are too precious to be gambled with and to be put at too great a risk.

With the BN, the level of confidence is higher. This we can see from the market performance and the response of domestic and foreign investors to our capability to administer the country well and effectively.

S urely you will use the (Umno) president's policy speech to provide a thorough explanation to the party machinery and the people. Can you elaborate?

Yes, usually the policy speech can be assumed as the determinant of the debate in the assembly because the speakers will take the cue from the president's speech.

So, the content and emphasis of my speech should place our party, through the debate, in a position where Umno's positive points are portrayed, in terms of our achievements up to now, direction, and also the trust in the Umno leadership and the future.

Besides, we can also respond to the allegations hurled by the opposition at the Umno and BN leadership.

At the recent PAS Muktamar (assembly), a prayer was conducted for the destruction of BN and Umno. Perhaps, at the coming (Umno) assembly, you may want to advise Umno members how to react to or consider this attitude of PAS?

PAS should attempt to portray itself as an Islamic party. Regardless of whether its action (prayer) was in keeping with Islamic principles and law or otherwise, it is a political party hiding behind the image of Islam. This must be discussed by Umno and, if we can put forward forceful arguments, we can emerge as the main party of the Malays.

Do you still believe that the Malays can be united? In what way can you do this, given the global environment where the thinking of the people is ever more open?

We have a choice. One is the integration of the political parties which represent the Malays, or we can project Umno as the choice of the majority of the Malays.

This is because in our system, victory lies with those who secure the bigger voice. How do you garner the bigger voice? Simply, through the people's confidence in our capability to champion the agenda closest to the hearts of the Malays.

And, I am convinced and believe that the first choice of the Malays is Umno.

Other people use race and religion as the basis for integration. But the Malays do not. Why?

The Malays have been confused by the seditious and slanderous allegations hurled at the Umno leaders and Umno itself, although they are nothing more than baseless political assaults. They have even been deceived by the external facade such as labels of being an Islamic party and the appearance of leaders whom they assume to be more Islamic.

We should evaluate in terms of the content and agenda that can elevate the Islamic struggle and propagation, and Umno has proven that the party can champion the demands of Islam based on the Islamic Syariah.

From time immemorial, we have championed Islam, starting with the constitution, establishment of Islamic institutions and the Islamic programmes that we had created and empowered, such as Islamic banking.

The outcome of the general election in 2008 was shocking, and many external quarters predicted the beginning of Umno's downfall. However, under your leadership, there was an improvement in the first year, then much more improvement in the second year and again up to now.

There seems to be a revival. Can you share with us how this revival has come about? Maybe there is a secret or strategy.

I hold to the principle that if we fall, we must rise again, and if we are successful, we must maintain the success.

When I took over the leadership of the party and government, I was determined and committed to do anything within my means to launch the process of revival in Umno and the BN.

One of these things was to start with the ‘1Malaysia Concept: People First, Performance Now'. It is the main philosophy that I put into practice in all government policies.

Therefore, you will see that our policies are more inclusive, uphold the principles of social justice, and enable us to put forward new ideas and become more creative.

I understand fully well that in this 21st century, excellence can be garnered by anyone who can win a competition of ideas. The Europeans call this a contestation of ideas.

That is why many of the programmes we implement today have never crossed our minds before, such as the 1Malaysia People's Shop, 1Malaysia Clinic, Urban Transformation Centre (UTC), Rural Transformation Centre (RTC), 1Malaysia People's Taxi, 1Malaysia People's Aid, and so on.

Other than that, the underlying factor in national administration is that we must be competent; we cannot ignore that. Meaning, our national economic management must lead to a stronger economy and stimulate growth.

Despite Europe being in a recession and there being uncertainty in the economic recovery of the United States, we have been able to ensure strong growth, more than 5.2 per cent in the third quarter of this year. And, we were able to provide more than 300,000 jobs.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in 2009 amounted to almost RM5 billion; in 2010, RM29.3 billion; and in 2011, it rose to RM36.6 billion. We have recorded all these achievements which people say run contrary to the world economic trend.

As such, we are able to ensure that the capability of the government remains at a high level, with a high level of confidence.

The Pakatan attempted to present what it called a "Buku Jingga" (Orange Book) and a (shadow) Budget 2013 and so on, but it looks like the economists do not rate highly their alternative policies and programmes.

If you ask investment bankers and fund managers, they do not give a high rating to what has been put forward by Pakatan. This means that as economic experts they see only the BN as a viable government.

Additionally, we have to ensure that the country's economic success reaches the people. Our programmes at the macro level are successful. We also want to ensure that those in need are taken care of.

From the party aspect, in the beginning people just shook their heads, wondering "whether Najib can revive the BN". In the end, it has been proven that the BN and Umno have gained strength and are most likely to remain in power. What's the secret, compared to the pressures you face?

I have taken this as a challenge, meaning a challenge in terms of my position, and as a personal one. In a crisis situation ... if we can assume it to be a crisis ... we must use all our strengths and capabilities and face the situation by increasing our efforts, our thinking power, our capability, and our physical ability. I told myself, I promised myself to do my best.

Without denying the success achieved thus far, there are analysts who believe that the government still faces a challenge to garner the support of the people, particularly the Chinese. Is this a reality or a perception?

We live in a system of open democracy, in a situation where the environment of today is a changed one, and the change is based on several factors. One of it is the ever-widening access to education.

The standard of education is ever rising, and people living in the urban areas are not in the need for basic facilities. So, the politics of development is no longer in their reckoning.

Third is the emergence of the highly influential social media, which we never faced in the past. In 2008, the social media had just emerged as an alternative media, but today it has become the norm for many to use it to garner information and news.

This changed environment is referred to as the new politics. We have made a shift in terms of the government approach. If we do not make this paradigm shift, the government will be seen as a rigid one, which can only be successful in the old environment.

But we have made the change so that in the current situation we can be a government that has the support of the people, including the younger generation.

We have begun this approach towards the new generation. The proof is that in the recent campus elections, we won in 18 of the 20 institutions of higher learning. This is a major victory. If the young people had not supported the government, we may not have won.

Although I admit that we have problems relating to the Chinese voters, let's not feel that we should ignore them. Instead, we have to increase our engagement with them to find out their needs and demands and how we can respond to their needs.

I see that they also realise that although they may not have much need for the government because they live in the urban areas where every facility is available, their success as individuals and as a community is due to our policies that have created a favourable environment for them to seek opportunities for business and self-development.

Even in the future, they will also need a well-managed, well-administered country. The BN can provide these, besides making adjustments to our policies that they are not happy with and the shortcomings which they say we have to rectify.

For example, if they are worried about the crime in cities, we respond with the measures that we have taken and will introduce more. We do not say that since the crime rate has dropped, we do not have to do anything more, no.

I am receptive so long as the people feel they are not satisfied. We have to intensify our efforts to eliminate their concerns and fears.

There have been a lot of remarks from the Chinese, that they like Najib but not the party, as though the changes taking place in the party have yet to meet their demands, for example, of voices not in sync when you try to get Umno to face the new politics.

In the existing system, if they like me as the prime minister, like it or not they have to support the party. Otherwise, someone else will become the PM, not I. This means, someone whom they do not want to be the PM, will become the PM.

And the pillar in our system is whoever the PM is. If they want me to be the PM, who can bring transformation to our country as they have been convinced all this while, they have to support me.

A strong PM is a PM who has the overall support of the people, is a PM who can bring much success to this country than a PM who is weak or does not have the full mandate, and he and the renewal he wants to introduce can be disputed. This is because the changes will have to put up with many challenges.

Leadership without political support is a leadership without moral strength. Without moral strength, it is difficult to face challenges to bring major changes to our country.

So, if they do not like Umno or the BN, at least we are cohesive, aligned and speak with one voice. Unlike the opposition, which essentially has conflicting ideologies. They cannot even agree on who should be the PM.

Compared to 2008, do you see a ‘wind of change' in terms of the positive response of the non-Malays?

Yes, they are happy with our direction. However, any change will take time because it involves changing human attitudes. It takes time. Even (former prime minister) Dr Mahathir (Mohamad), after 22 years (of administration), admitted that one thing he was unable to fully achieve was changing the attitudes of people like how he would have wanted to.

Barack Obama also sought another term as president of the United States because he said it was impossible to rectify what was done during the administration of George Bush in four years.

What we plan to do, in terms of transforming the country into a progressive, high-income nation, cannot be achieved in a matter of three or four years. It will take much longer.

Do you feel that the track record of Umno and the BN government is an important asset, besides the transformation, for the people to give a bigger mandate?

Yes, our track record is very evident. We have done a lot for the benefit of the people and the benefits have reached the people directly.

The opposition has no track record. When we came up with the theme ‘Janji Ditepati' (Promises Fulfilled), they disputed it as though they were sore.

Maybe they feel that many of their promises have remained as such. We know, it is needless to mention them. Ask the people in Selangor, in the states they are governing, what they think of the promises made during the general election. Many will say they are disappointed with the unkept promises of the opposition.

In the matter of the new politics, on the one hand, you have to manage and address the demands of the non-Malays and, on the other, Umno as a Malay party has also to consider the demands and agenda of the Malays. How are you able to handle this in the present situation?

I hold to Islamic principles. God says we must be fair as a leader. And, God did not say that this has to be in the case of Muslims only. God said it in general.

So, if we are fair, non-Muslims will be impressed with the leadership of Malay Muslims. That is where I see the magnificence of Islam. And, that is why Islam spread from Medina to the rest of the world.

When an Islamic leadership is fair, many people will be impressed with Islam as a wonderful and noble religion. It is for this reason that we cannot grab everything, because other people also contribute to our nation.

The Indians with the estates and roads they built, the Chinese with their entrepreneurship and business. And, they pay taxes, too. We must understand this.

We will help the Malays in whatever way we can, and we will help the Chinese and Indians. We help in a fair and just manner.

For example, we are continuing with the bumiputera agenda because, even if the country is developed but the majority of the people are marginalised, this will not contribute to the prosperity and stability of our nation.

Secondly, if we are not fair to the others, this will also not ensure that the country will continue to be peaceful and stable. We have to accept the fact and reality.

We have to consider the non-Muslim bumiputeras in Sabah and Sarawak and also the Orang Asli; they also have their rights. As the core leadership, we are a government which champions all the races, communities, big or small, fairly and equitably.

Affirmative action is something which has to be done but it is rejected by the opposition which does not use the terminology. Thus, they became more popular at one time. However, if they were to come to power, they will also have to do what the BN has done so far.

We do not know what policies the opposition will implement. There are surely some in the Pakatan who want to change the basis of our constitution. DAP, with its Malaysian Malaysia ideology, does not seem to accept the principle and spirit of the constitution.

We have PAS which wants to establish an Islamic state in accordance with its interpretation. This is also uncertain because the definition of an Islamic state remains vague.

Thirdly, there is Parti Keadilan which is pursuing a stand that is doubtful, which incorporates an ideology that is too liberal and pluralism which can spark controversies. Whatever they establish, the direction of Pakatan remains vague and uncertain. It is uncertain who will be the dominant force.

As for the BN, we can guarantee that our policies are consistent. Whatever happens, we can guarantee that we will continue with the direction and policies we put forward to the people. The opposition is full of risks, doubts and suspicion. Are we going to gamble with our future? That is the question.

There have been increasing developments wanting to portray elections in Malaysia as unfair and not transparent as well as various allegations ... there are already attempts to seek foreign intervention. How can this matter be managed so that the outcome of elections is well accepted and we can move forward?

We also want victory based on fair elections, and we do not want to win through fraudulent means. Having won five states, they (the opposition) were in a state of delight; they did not dispute the results of the EC (Election Commission).

Anwar Ibrahim (the opposition leader) had not questioned the EC when he was in Umno and the BN. Now, they seem to want to prepare the minds of the people to accept it that a BN victory would be only through fraud. This denies our practice of democracy that has been proceeding well.

This time, we are also prepared to have several observers from Asean to monitor the general election so that they can see that it is held in accordance with the constitution and the country's laws, and the validity of the people's decision cannot be disputed.

Is the opposition not convinced of a victory?

That's why I said they are preparing the minds of the people. Pre-emptive. There are people who say that if they do not win, they want to hold protest demonstrations, to show that our elections are unfair and not transparent.

Anything can happen because they are too obsessed and desperate to take Putrajaya. Even Australia has dismissed (a request from Anwar to monitor and observe the 13th general election).

Some critics feel that the BN and Umno are not aggressive enough even when they are about to face the mother of all elections, and particularly in fighting the opposition.

We are in the government. There are limitations to what we can do. It is different in the case of the opposition. They are not bound by any limitations, even in hurling slander, providing wrong facts and so on. As the opposition, they can do this.

But, we in the government, have to be responsible in what we want to do. This may make it look like we are not aggressive.

What do you want the Umno and BN members to do between now and the general election? What should they do to ensure a satisfactory victory?

Firstly, there must be organisational discipline. When we want to wage war, our forces must be organised in a strong and disciplined chain of command. We have to know what are the orders, compliance to directives, doing work, and so on.

We must know all these. The lessons of the Muslim victory in the "Badar" War, for example, the defeat in the "Uhud" War, all these lessons of history should be in our minds. If we have organisational discipline, I believe it will give us strength, tremendous strength.

We have the numbers, but we must buttress this with organisational discipline which, I want to stress, is of most importance. If we are not disciplined, we will not accept decisions of the party, decisions concerning candidates and so on, which we should accept in the party interest. All these come under organisational discipline.

There is a view that Umno has difficulty in managing some of its divisional chiefs because they are assumed to be warlords. How can this be addressed?

This also comes under organisational discipline. It also includes all of us. If we do not accept orders through the chain of command, it means that we have violated discipline, and losing the battle can be a consequence.

History has proof of this in many cases. I mentioned the "Badar" War, the "Uhud" War and other wars just now, and also past electoral incidents. There were constituencies where we should have won but we lost when there was no organisational discipline.

How far has discipline improved since you took over the helm of Umno and the BN?

They (the members) gave their pledge. Dr Mahathir also helped; he met them, they gave their pledge under oath. They also gave their pledge at the general assembly.

I cannot do anything more. I have done what I can. It is now left to the individuals. If they do not go back on their pledge ... I do not know. It's left to them. It's between them and God.

Can the setting up of the disciplinary committee be of any help?

The fact is it is not necessary for us to discipline anyone. What I want to emphasise is self-discipline. For example, we do not need the AES (Automated Enforcement System).

When we know that there is a speed limit on a certain stretch of road, we do not need the AES actually. But we are forced to install the system in some places because we want to educate our people. If we are disciplined, we can save lives.

In this case, it means that if we have self-discipline, our party will definitely achieve success. This is what we must give priority to because it will be futile to win seats but fail to form the government. It means, we will become the opposition.

What's the use of being the opposition? The important thing about the elections is that we want to form the government.

Malay and Islamic unity will be closely linked to the elections and Umno. In recent years, the Malay Rulers have expressed concern over disunity among the Malays and Muslims. Do you share this apprehension?

Indeed, we are all worried about the disunity among the Muslims and the Malays. We hope that the Malays will give their support to Umno, as the main party, in the elections.

If we can portray Umno as the key choice, Umno will emerge as the strongest party. Malay Muslim unity means solidarity under the umbrella of Umno as the main party. But, it is beyond us to pray for the destruction of PAS.

Are you offended?

No, why must I be offended. We have anticipated all kinds of things. Previously, they branded Mahathir a pharaoh. All this is normal. I sleep soundly at night.

You touched on the of discipline. The disciplinary board acts against sabotage. Would it be possible to overcome this by naming the electoral candidates early? What are the pros and cons of Umno naming the candidates early?

I feel we cannot do it too early; neither can we do it too late. We will find a time that we feel is most appropriate.

Even if we make an early announcement, there is no guarantee there will be no sabotage. If one has no intention of accepting (the decision) now, it will be so forever. If we announce it late, it may be difficult for us to do anything to rectify any situation.

Even if we have the time, there is no 100 per cent guarantee that there will be no sabotage or enemies within. All these are possibilities in our elections, and even so, it will not be for the first time. These things have happened in the past but they were not so discernible when we were strong.

After we were hit by the (political) tsunami, our recovery and efforts to recapture the lost states have become more difficult. It is not so difficult to defend the state where we hold power, but it is difficult to recapture the states where we have lost. It means we have to focus our minds on victory as the only objective without being distracted by any other consideration. Only then can we guarantee our victory.

What is the most appropriate penalty for these betrayers?

Whatever form the penalty takes, even if we sack them from the party, they just switch over to another party. We have experienced this in the case of several people.

Even without our having to sack them, there are the disloyal ones who jump ship. However, fortunately, more people from Pakatan have joined us in Umno and as independent elected representatives. But, there is a handful in Umno who are disloyal to us.

Malay unity is always equated to a threat to the other communities. Can you explain that the fact is that Umno does not intend to be united to confront the other communities?

Malay unity does not mean that we want to confront the other communities. As I said, we must bring the other communities to be with us.

This is the spirit we have been carrying way back from the past, from the time of (former prime ministers) Tunku Abdul Rahman, Abdul Razak. Why must we set aside what has been established by our founding leaders?

If we had not wanted to cooperate with the other communities, Tunku would not have formed the Alliance (Party), Razak would not have forged the BN. But, they did so because we know that our country draws its strength from racial cooperation. We have to hold on to that.

The opposition claims that Umno is racist when it comes to Malay unity.

That is their allegation. We have never been racist. There could have been incidents which raised such a perception. We should rectify this, and we will do so. I find that when we introduced the 1Malaysia Concept, people better understand that ours is a country where all the races must benefit from the nation's leadership.

PAS, in its campaigns and ‘ceramah' (talks) of late, has called for "the election of PAS as an alternative to Umno".

That's their politics. It is not of religion. They are only concerned with coming to power. That has gone to the head. Politics is number one. They should place religion above everything else.

If they say that they are an Islamic party, it means nothing else is more important. Instead, we find that their political game has to do much more than religion. That is why they are working with the DAP, for example.

Can the support of the younger generation be seen in their participation in Umno through the Youth and Puteri wings?

We portray ours as a party ready to bring a transformation to the country. It is not a party that is too rigid or conservative because young people yearn for change and like renewal.

So, we must portray a party that can bring renewal to the country. It is for this reason that the young people of today do not think that they should reject Umno and the BN despite we having been in power all this while.

At least they see us as a party that can bring change and development in the country. Most importantly, their future is more secure under the leadership of Umno and the BN.

That's the biggest consideration. Our future. We know that as a party we cannot depend on our successes thus far. Many of the young people were born after independence. They do not know the past; they only read about it in history books.

No matter how great our successes of the past, it does not matter for the young people. What they are concerned about is the present and the future. That is why I said that we must portray Umno and the BN as a party that can ensure the future of our country.

What other ways are there to draw young people to join or engage with Umno because there are still complaints about bureaucracy in the party?

We have introduced many programmes and agendas that can entice the Malays and young people to support Umno and the BN. If young people are anti-establishment, how is it that we can win the campus elections in 18 of the 20 universities.

We also held the Youth Day gathering on a large scale in Putrajaya, and we are also doing many other things, including communicating through the social media.

I am very active in the social media, and the number of my Twitter followers has exceeded one million. In Facebook , I have more than 1.3 million fans. This shows that we can get the young people to support us, provided we use the vehicle and communicative methods and engagement they prefer.

I cannot deny that at times their entry into and progress to seek positions in Umno can run into obstacles. We are rectifying this situation, such as by allowing them to apply directly to the headquarters if their application is not entertained at the branch or divisional levels.

In Budget 2013, I gave much focus to young people. For example, our aid is more inclusive, incorporating assistance to single people under the 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M) and offering a rebate for purchase of mobile (smart) telephones, and much more.

Your plans for the future?

We know what we have done so far. We should look at our achievements over the past four years. If, with the blessings of God, we secure a strong mandate, we will do much more and with greater intensity, God willing.

We have the strength of moral leadership. If we examine the theoretical principles of leadership, they stem from two things - the formal, which are our positions, and the other, moral strength. If we combine the two, surely our leadership will be more effective.

On the general election, do you want to hold it next year, or do you want to let Parliament dissolve by itself?

If the election is not held in December, then it will be next year. Unless, of course, we call the election in December. If it rains or there are floods, we can use boats.

On the evening of Saturday Dec 1, the Umno delegates will begin to return to their respective areas after having gathered at the PWTC. What advice do you want to give them?

I hope they will be able to appreciate the message to be delivered at the assembly and translate it into action and approach. For example, there will much emphasis on how they should face the challenge of the 13th General Election and how we should be prepared for it.

This is not only in terms of physical preparation, such as operations rooms, material aid and so on, but preparation in terms of our spirit and attitude to accord priority to victory and no other consideration even if there's anything else we desire most.

We want to ensure our party's victory. The primary objective is to form the government. And, the government is our buttress, now and in the future.

I also hope that they will be more matured and capable in responding to national issues and the allegations hurled at us. Party members must be able to analyse, counter and parry any national issue.

- Bernama