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Besides feeling a sense of betrayal, coupled with the loss of Malay support, Malaysia's first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, also found other compelling reasons to resign.

He could not stomach 'ungratefulness'. After the May 13 racial riots in 1969, the Tunku became a 'bit wiser and still more awakened after he left office on Sept 23, 1970 as regard to his many friends, many of whom evaporated into thin air'. The Tunku would often say: "Good riddance, bad rubbish."

One thing that the Tunku never displayed in public was his 'sneaking respect' for two big personalities, present Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad and former Singaporean prime minister (now Senior Minister) Lee Kuan Yew.

The Tunku always have had a mouthful of words for Mahathir and Lee. You can say, complimentary and uncomplimentary in one breath. There was the element of fire and water. It was hot and cold all at once.

At the end of it, there was never any rancour and animosity towards the leaders by the Tunku. He understood the needs of politics, as it is a game of advantage over your opponent. This was the fine art of politics - saying something for party and public consumption and then for international consumption.

The Tunku realised that if he were to be soft and accommodating in his dealings with Lee, who was then 'young and abrasive' as he puts it, Lee will seek advantage for himself and consequently Malaysia suffers. That, he would not have.

The Tunku's 'sneaking respect' for Dr Mahathir took a different dimension. Dr Mahathir always, "... stood his ground and talked directly in my face criticising my policy especially in not helping enough Malays in business and government service and scholarships.

"I may not like what he says, but he is frank and he has character. I don't agree with his views and accounts about some of my Chinese friends and others whom I moved around with. That's none of his business. He (Dr M) can have his friends, I can choose my own friends," said Tunku.

Mahathir's quiet ways

I am so happy to say that Dr Mahathir, as usual in his quiet ways - and prompted by a suggestion from Khir Johari, the former minister of education - graciously accepted the naming of Putrajaya in memory of Tunku's contribution as Bapa Merdeka . This indeed is a very fitting tribute to the Tunku, which I am sure he did not expect from Mahathir.

This is further enhanced by the prime minister's gracious act in building a beautiful monument for the late Tunku at the royal cemetery in Jalan Langgar, Alor Setar, Kedah.

Dr Mahathir, I am told in spite of his many busy programmes in Kedah over the past years, had put in a lot of effort and personal supervision so that everything proper was done for the Tunku according to his wishes.

Tunku could not expect more from Dr M; the name of Putrajaya bears that out. As long as Malaysia exist, Putrajaya will evoke the good work and humanitarian memory of this fine Malay gentleman, so uncommon, rarely found, and yet he lived and walked amongst friends and enemies.

You can say that the Tunku always conquered or overcame his enemies, critics and dissident colleagues in Umno with 'love and kindness', which he poured out from his heart time to time. Sometimes, he seemed to contradict himself, but after a while, you would understand his purpose and intention.

For example, the late Syed Jaafar Albar, who was then assistant minister of information and Umno secretary-general, was on a collision course with the Tunku and his policies over Chinese education, Chinese signboards and the possibility of arresting Lee Kuan Yew.

Everyone expected Syed Jaafar to be removed. Instead the Tunku promoted him to a 'diplomatic' post - information officer at the Malaysian High Commission in London. Whether one likes it or not, Syed Jaafar did a good job in defending Tunku and his policies abroad when in London.

The Tunku, in despatching Syed Jaafar to London, in a way confounded many of his friends, colleagues and critics, at home and abroad.

Malay 'ultras'

Syed Jaafar, often accused, rightly or wrongly by Singaporeans and their media, as head of the Malay 'ultras' and a 'stormy petrel of Malaysian politics' together with the late Syed Nasir Ismail, the one-time head of the Dewan Bahasa and Pustaka, were the subject of concern and controversy during those days.

The perception in everyone's mind then was that the Tunku was losing his 'grip or control of Umno' to the 'ultras', later to be popularised in Malaysian political terms as 'Albarists'.

In fact, if my memory is still good, I remember a Singapore official asking me politely at a diplomatic function, what was 'going on in Tunku's mind' by sending someone like Syed Jaafar, whom he (the Singaporean) thinks is 'very undiplomatic' to a diplomatic post in London, of all places, where you have to be 'smart and savvy'.

It looks like they wanted to see Syed Jaafar punished with at least a slap on his hand as a kind of indication of Tunku's anger, or as a reflection of some kind of censure for leading the opposition against Tunku's policies.

Nothing happened and I told this Singapore gentleman not to worry too much about our man in London.

Tunku knew and understand Syed Jaafar well. They stood together, travelling all around the country, campaigning for Umno and the Alliance. Tunku always knew what he was doing, sometimes seen as contradictory in terms and nature, but the final solution was correct . It didn't leave a bad taste in the mouth, so to speak.

'Country bumpkins'

In fact, in many ways Singapore created a boom for the growth of Malay 'ultras' by their griping, equating Malaysian citizens and officials to ' kampung boys". In short, Malaysians can best be described as 'country bumpkins' facing 'smart city alecs'.

That was the root cause of our differences. The rest is now history, fit only for academic studies and for debating societies in schools, or loose and frivolous talk in coffee shops and cyber cafes.

I have complete confidence that the 'missed opportunities' for Malaysia and Singapore of the 1960s will return, and the two states will come back together as one nation, under one flag and one national anthem in 30 years time at the earliest, but more likely in 50 to 75 years.

It is up to the younger generations to work this out with a guiding hand from leaders on both sides of the causeway. It is not impossible dream. It will require a lot of wisdom, goodwill and trust. There will need to be a bit of prodding all the way and if we fail, we should get up and try again.

The stronger party must readily help the weak, in whatever form and in whatever manner. Right now, Singapore is weak because she has no natural resources, no land mass, no population to speak of and no credible large military force for defence in the event of any regional conflict. .

Its resources are limited and therefore Singapore, in the modern context of warfare, has to rely on Britain and United States. Whether, they will 'spill their blood' for Singaporeans remain a big question mark. We must remember that the Brits were taught a lesson by the Japanese in 1941 and the Americans are still haunted by the Vietnam War syndrome.

For this reason, when Singapore was in the Malaysian Federation, he did not want Singapore to play any role, especially in defence, internal security and foreign affairs. The one, and only role, he would assign and give Lee a free ride was to make 'Singapore as the New York of Malaysia'.

YAP CHIN KWEE, a former News Straits Times journalist, was the political secretary of Malaysia's first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman from 1963 to 1970. He is a life member of MCA.