The Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamed, rants and raves at what he sees as cultural and racial chauvinism and arrogance. He calls it extremism, but it is a coded word, in Malaysia, to refer to what one does not like about the other fellow.

He widens his attacks now to include not just the Chinese, his first target, but of Malays and Indians.

As more frequently these days, he resorts to these attacks as if to convince himself, and Umno, that its electoral and cultural setbacks have to do with other than its own misreading.

While he casts a wide net, his target is the Chinese community which does not accept the Vision Schools. It is voluntary, of course, but he insists any who question it are both racial chauvinists and arrogant.

He speaks in such language that if he had been an Opposition leader he would have been charged with sedition and worse. When he should mollify and consult, he raves and rants. His is the only answer and solution. And if it is not accepted, there is hell to pay.

Arrogantly decided

But such language and arrogance unbecomes Mahathir. He is incensed that the Malay ground has shifted deliberately from under his feet. So the Chinese community. The MCA is not much of a help, hiding under the Umno skirt when it should resolve and ameliorate the differences.

He is upset and angry because the Vision Schools would not take off if the Chinese schools stay away. No mention is made of Tamil or the church-funded schools, both of which must be brought into it. But one hears little of what happens to them.

It is a setback. His close friend and Education Minister Musa Mohamed arrogantly decided this must be adhered to in the quickest possible time, and then systematically downgraded its focus and reach. But Mahathir has not lost his bite to attack what should not.

It upsets the government that more Malay, and Indian, parents, fed up with the uneven quality of education in the government schools, send their children to mission or Chinese schools. In recent years, the Chinese schools are preferred for their systematic teaching.

Be that as it may, when the Malay is unsettled, he blames the Chinese. Sometimes, it is justified; sometimes, not. The May 1969 riots, for instance, which Mahathir brings out, oftentimes, to threaten, when none others work. Chairman Mao's little book

This is one in which both the Malays and Chinese must take responsibility. The Chinese are incensed when I mention this, but the Chinese overreacted in demanding English to be retained as the official language in 1967.

It was the time of the Cultural Revolution in China and Mao Zedong's Little Red Book. The Chinese hotheads put the pressure upon the Malay so persistently that something must give.

And it did. On May 13, 1969, after the general elections in which, like in Lunas last week, the Malay hold on to power weakened.

It coincided with Malay blame upon the first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, for having brought the confrontation to the level it had become.

The then deputy prime minister, Tun Abdul Razak, like Anwar Ibrahim 29 years later, raised the banner of revolt. Amongst those on his side was the then stormy petrel and now prime minister.

The Chinese walked into this Malay cultural and political confusion. Like now. There were other variants to this, one of which is Malay dominance, which became the cornerstone of future governments, and one which is challenged now.

In the hot seat

So, Mahathir's incessant attacks on treachery and worse is not unexpected. Malay leaders do when they are threatened. He tries to cause disaffection amongst the Chinese to cover up his own uncertain hold onto power.

For he raises the racist flag to convince the Malay he is fit to continue as his leader. The Malay, however, and as in 1969, has decided his leader should go.

The Tunku went, in the genteel, patrician way that marked his governance. His nemesis then, now in the hot seat, would not, and attempts to rewrite the Malay cultural ground.

He takes a gamble in what he does. The Malay and the Chinese, and, indeed, others, have a worldview different than in 1969. He is the post-Independence generation of Malaysians, with a compulsion different from his parents.

He does not want to be taken for granted, and expects, if not answers, at least fair play.

Mahathir, in bucking the trend, puts himself, and his Umno and Barisan Nasional, at risk. His raving and ranting at the Chinese and others diminish him as a national leader, and puts into awry his party's past record of racial harmony.

Political vulnerability

More than Vision Schools is at stake. Malaysia's survival, and his own hopes and plans for the future, is muddied if he persists in his racial and chauvinistic campaign of ill-intent amongst the non-Malays.

It reflects his own political vulnerability than if he is correct or not. It hinges upon whether Umno continues to hold the Malay ground, especially after the events of September 1998.

More important, his hold upon power diminishes with each statement like this he makes. And he has been making too many recently.

MGG PILLAI is a freelance columnist. He also runs the Sangkancil discussion group.