Is it possible for Malaysia to achieve a paradigm shift in the orientation of politics in the near future? Or to put it more specifically, can the BN brand of politics be replaced by the BA? For this shift to take place, the present paradigm of BN politics must be suffering from a serious mix of problems which cannot be sustained under the existing framework of things.

Thomas Kuhn used the concept of paradigm to explain the basis of scientific development and the basis of knowledge production. Today the concept is used quite widely to explain changes in the fields of management, social sciences, humanities and others.

Thus in this context, it is not too wrong to use this concept to examine the political problems in Malaysia and why there is call for change. More precisely, the present on-going political contest between the ruling regime of BN and the opposition coalition of BA suggests among other things there is definite difference in the way these two envisage politics in the country.

For the sake of simplicity, it is often argued that BN is trying its best to sustain a polity based on purely racial considerations whereas BA is challenging this notion of politics by trying to bring about a more open multi-racial and multi-cultural political system.

In examining these two different perspectives of politics as represented by BN and BA, one cannot but notice that present debate is a partial one indeed. Partial because it only touches on the super-structural elements without bringing into consideration the other aspect - the material reality, the capitalist system.

Racial entrapment

Thus in this context, the use of the concept of paradigm/paradigm shift will only serve to explain or analyze changes in one realm, namely the super-structural one and not the material one. Anyway, despite this empirical shortcoming more to do with the ideological make-up of the coalitions, the use of concept might still be relevant.

It must be remembered that the BN's conception of things are quite familiar to those of us who have followed the contours of Malaysian politics in the last few decades. Essentially, the inter-ethnic coalition despite its image of projecting an multi-racial image of racial equality, is actually a formula that seeks its sustenance and nourishment within a racial entrapment.

With Umno as its superordinate component, other non-Malay political parties do not really enjoy the kind of power necessary to give substance to the practice of multi-racialism in the country. Notwithstanding some concessions in order to preserve the racial blocs pluralism, the coalition serves to sustain Malay interests.

Of course, not the interests of Malays in general but Malays who enjoy power and privilege by virtue of their connections to those in power. Umno is losing power as the superordinate element within this racial fold simply because its traditional base of Malay support sustained by extreme form of racism is sinking under the weight of corruption, nepotism, lack of accountability, failure to follow democratic norms in practice and others.

Shackles of communalism

BN's failure to address problems of serious nature as pointed out has kick-started the formation of alternative political formation in the country in the form of an alternative coalition called BA. Unlike the BN, BA is a coalition but not a racial one and from what we know seeks to provide a different alternative to Malaysians so that politics in the future will be free from the evils associated with the BN regime.

What will be the exact political formula of BA and how it will provide representation to different interests both for class and ethnic is not clear. But from the available evidence, there is strong indication that this coalition, given the electoral support, will be able to transcend the narrow ethnic parameter of the present ancient regime.

There are grounds to believe that the coalition composed of principled parties with long years of struggle and sacrifice will be something that many right-minded Malaysians are expecting to cleanse the country of the disease of communalism.

Very fundamentally, at least from the perspective of subaltern classes and groups, the curse of communalism to a large extent perpetrated by the present regime must be stopped in its tracks from destroying the very fabric of the society.

It is this nefarious practice that to date has foreclosed all options to introduce policies and programmes to address the woes of the working masses. Ironically, no country has abused the noble concept of affirmative action than Malaysia under the BN. In fact, as we know, affirmative action has become a smokescreen in the country for advancing the interests of the rich and privilege.

We are not sure, to what extent the BA alternative will be able to address the problems of the poor and needy. However, genuine adherence to the principles of justice, fair play and democracy should give some insights into the nature of the subaltern problem.

Dark and thick forest

From an empirical sense, and on the basis of recent developments in the country, BA has shown that it seeks to offer a different kind of paradigmatic politics for Malaysians. The acceptance of the arguments of Suqiu, the rejection of Malay unity talks, calling for the reform of the judiciary, the call for the removal of some of the obnoxious laws and others have endeared the coalition to large sections of Malaysians.

Very fundamentally, the coalition has rendered conditions impossible for Umno to reproduce. Apart from Umno's abuse of Malay special rights, the growth of Malay middle class, the professional achievement of Malays, the steady rise of confidence among younger generation of Malays, the transition from pre-occupation with petty issues to more macro and universal concerns, have reduced their dependence on their so-called protector. The days of 'Godfather' politics are over for Malays.

Of course, better days in the future cannot be taken for granted as "the forest is dark and thick", but certainly it must be acknowledged that Malaysian politics cannot be the same as before.

Important strides are being made to break the shackles of communalism that sought to bind and destroy the creativity of Malaysians for decades. A new paradigmatic vision for Malaysians might not be fully in sight, but there are visible signs pointing to the direction.

As one famous political economist one said, we cannot make history under the circumstances that we deliberately choose, but under circumstances that present before ourselves.

P RAMASAMY is a professor of political economy at the Political Science Department, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia and has academic interests in Malaysian politics and labour. He has written quite extensively and is currently focusing on conflict management in Sri Lanka.