COMMENT | In trying to appear strong, Zahid appeared weak
COMMENT | The Umno General Assembly is an arena of superimposed masculinity. It is common to have delegates using the platform to shout out their beliefs, on the premise of representing the voices of the party grassroots, in a desperate attempt of oratory showmanship.
Most of Umno politicians’ lifetime regretful statements come from the assembly – a place that seems to invite the worst instincts of even the most benign individuals.
This year was no different, except that it was worse for Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Umno’s president.
After being elected president a month from the oldest party’s worst electoral defeat, Zahid was immediately faced with an existential crisis. As a leader, will he continue with his accommodating style that served him well in consolidating the party’s rank and file?
Zahid’s politics of making-everyone-happy is not inherently problematic, but it was unsuitable for a Grand Old Party that has just fallen from grace. Still the largest party with the most extensive machinery across the country, its members were waiting for a new vision and a clear instruction to fight back to the throne.
Instead, what they had in Zahid was a leader who was not keen on making tough decisions nor having a head to reimagine a new life. His court cases continued to saddle his appearance as a leader, forcing himself to take a garden leave, only to return with much of the same...
COMMENT | The Umno General Assembly is an arena of superimposed masculinity. It is common to have delegates using the platform to shout out their beliefs, on the premise of representing the voices of the party grassroots, in a desperate attempt of oratory showmanship.
Most of Umno politicians’ lifetime regretful statements come from the assembly – a place that seems to invite the worst instincts of even the most benign individuals.
This year was no different, except that it was worse for Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Umno’s president.
After being elected president a month from the oldest party’s worst electoral defeat, Zahid was immediately faced with an existential crisis. As a leader, will he continue with his accommodating style that served him well in consolidating the party’s rank and file?
Zahid’s politics of making-everyone-happy is not inherently problematic, but it was unsuitable for a Grand Old Party that has just fallen from grace. Still the largest party with the most extensive machinery across the country, its members were waiting for a new vision and a clear instruction to fight back to the throne.
Instead, what they had in Zahid was a leader who was not keen on making tough decisions nor having a head to reimagine a new life. His court cases continued to saddle his appearance as a leader, forcing himself to take a garden leave, only to return with much of the same.
More questions than answers
The grassroots felt bullied and robbed by Bersatu members at the divisional level; the leadership felt betrayed by the ‘minister cluster’ who seem more like Bersatu members than Umno
It is with this context that Zahid had to make his presidential speech. Everyone in the room was expecting Zahid to decide firmly what is to be done about a dire situation. Umno members promised to revolt if Zahid does not give them what they want.
And Zahid delivers. He told everyone that Umno will cut ties with Bersatu, and by extension, Perikatan Nasional. But he then also said something that cast more doubts than certainty: Umno will go to the 15th general election solo.
Questions started flowing like a waterfall. They started even during his speech.
Behind Zahid was a screen laying out his key remarks, and it read “No PPBM, No Anwar, No DAP”.
This seems contradictory to the initial talks that Anwar Ibrahim held with Umno a few weeks ago, which Anwar has affirmed. It was also not clear, even to Anwar, as to whether that meant a rejection of Anwar as prime minister, or a rejection of working with PKR as a whole.
Why “Anwar” and not “PKR”?
We understood that Umno will not work with Bersatu for their betrayal and disloyalty, and Umno will also not risk working with the old foe DAP, but we do not know if all ties were cut with other parties not named in the slide.
This includes PAS. Some PAS members, like secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan, took it hard. He described this as lost love, an unrequited love. He said that Umno has now lost someone who has truly loved them. PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang was embarrassed to learn this and he quickly rushed to his car, avoiding every journalist on his way.
If he said Zahid’s statement was unclear, would he appear too desperate? If he said Zahid’s statement symbolises the end of Umno-PAS collaboration, would he appear too rash?
The PAS question and two other questions
The question of PAS confounds Umno members as well who still want to count on a conditional partnership in certain states like Selangor to wrestle back the elusive government from Pakatan Harapan.
In fact, a nationwide three-cornered fight is not conducive to a party like Umno. The memory of defeat in GE14 still lingers with every Umno member, and cool heads would have concluded that three-cornered fights were a major contributor to their loss.
Thus, even under conditions where grassroots members require a strong answer on what to do next, members are realistic enough to know that Umno may not succeed alone in the next general election.
Some Umno leaders took it upon themselves to provide the answers Zahid could not provide. Umno election director Tajuddin Rahman said that Zahid’s statement does not mean all doors are closed; the party is still open to working with any party to form a government after the election. Umno wants to share the fruits of their success with everyone, he said, for “Umno has never been greedy”.
There are two other issues that further weakened Zahid’s speech due to uncertainty. One was on Umno’s withdrawal. Zahid stated that Umno would withdraw from Muhyiddin Yassin’s government if he does not give an indication as to when the election would be held. What would be considered a good-enough indication? If Muhyiddin said that the election would definitely be held by 2023, is that a good enough indication to justify Umno’s continued support for Muhyiddin?
Or is Zahid implying that Umno would pull their support in August to trigger a general election? Should the Umno grassroots start preparing for battle now? Or is this another instance of Zahid kicking the can down the road?
The second uncertainty was on Umno ministers. Shortly after Zahid’s speech, all Umno ministers met Muhyiddin and stated that they, including deputy ministers, will be staying in the government to support Muhyiddin without change. This appears as unanimous defiance of Zahid’s orders, proving either that he has no control of Umno ministers or that Zahid would be weak enough to eventually concede to their whims and fancies.
In trying to accommodate party insiders and outsiders, Zahid has become a pushover who follows wherever the wind blows. He would clench his fists but the thump would not follow. He would make an order but no one would follow. He would make a roar but his words would not follow.
When expected to lead, he could only follow.
JAMES CHAI is a legal consultant and researcher working for Invoke, among others. He also blogs at jameschai.com.my. You may reach him at jameschai.mpuk@gmail.com.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of Malaysiakini.
Are you sure you want to delete this comment?
This action cannot be undone.